The world we see today is very different from what existed 2.5 million – 10 thousand years ago. During the glacial cycles in the Pleistocene era, ice-covered most regions of the world. Such glacial periods witnessed the shrinking of available habitats for a number of species, especially those at high elevations or in regions away from the equator. This restricted movement among species populations due to the reduced connectivity between suitable habitats, thereby affecting gene flow and reducing the overall genetic diversity of the species. Although some species survived in glacial refugia, their populations shrunk during these periods. Studies show that species expanded their distribution following the last ice retreat in … to areas where we now find them across the globe.
Such was also the story for a native freshwater fish from Patagonia, Galaxias platei, that survived the Quaternary glaciations. Today, the species faces a new threat that restricts movement amongst populations, the construction of hydropower plants in the Puelo River Basin. The construction of dams is known to seriously limit connectivity among fish populations resulting from the construction of concrete barriers. However, their impact on the genetic diversity of freshwater fauna is not well understood.
Our study used a three-pronged approach to study the contemporary as well as past and future genetic diversity patterns of G. platei populations in the Puelo River Basin as a case study. This approach can enable learning from the past to understand the present and predict future diversity patterns following landscape alterations. As such, it can be used to inform conservation policies that help mitigate the impacts of human interventions and climate change on species.
Unfortunately for the G. platei, our study shows that although connectivity was relatively high in the past, there is low genetic diversity in the species today making them highly susceptible to changes in the landscape. The construction of dams in the Puelo River Basin will reduce connectivity among populations which will only exacerbate the decline in genetic diversity and may even result in the extinction in three out of the four populations examined for this study.
Link to Paper:
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/cobi.13093 Vera-Escalona, I., S. Senthivasan, E. Habit and D.E. Ruzzante. 2018. Past, present, and future of a freshwater fish metapopulation in a threatened landscape. Conservation Biology 32: 849-859
Our closest biological relatives, nonhuman primates, are facing an extinction crisis. While 60% of primate species are threatened with extinction, the great apes of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are experiencing increased turmoil due to the ongoing conflict occurring within the country.¹ This conflict, fueled by the DRC’s rich natural resources, has lead to a decline in the population of chimpanzees, bonobos and all four subspecies of gorilla, as well as those of numerous other species.
The DRC is home to a large portion of the Congo Basin, the second largest rainforest on earth, and is crucial for maintaining wildlife diversity. The Congo Basin houses a wide array of species, many endemic, that cannot survive elsewhere. However, civil war is taking a toll on the DRC’s rainforest residents, both human and nonhuman. Despite 45% of the DRC’s land surface being covered in dense forest, the great apes are not safe within it.² Protected land and national parks are being exploited as laws safeguarding the land are disregarded. Kahuzi-Biega National Park, home to one of the largest remaining groups of endemic Grauer’s gorillas, along with several other national parks, still have occurrences of bushmeat hunting, deforestation and mining.³ This worsening conflict, caused by political instability, is threatening the lives of many, but there are ways to help lessen the war’s impact on great apes.
About the conflict
The war began soon after the 1994 genocide in neighboring Rwanda, leading to an influx of refugees fleeing to the DRC. Many of these refugees were genocidaires, those guilty of the mass killings in Rwanda. They formed armed groups that the government of the DRC (formerly Zaire) was unable to defeat, leading to the “First Congo War.” The war ended in 1997 with the overthrow of Zaire’s government, leading to the creation of the Democratic Republic of Congo. A new president, backed by Rwandan and Ugandan governments, took office, but that did not end the fighting for long. The new president soon switched sides, going against his former backers, which led to a joint invasion of Rwanda and Uganda. This invasion initiated the “Second Congo War” in 1998; this lasted until 2003, when the DRC’s government, plus other nearby countries, fought the invaders and rebel groups until a peace deal was signed.⁴ Despite the peace deal and a new transitional government, political instability and conflict continued in the eastern region of the country, and lawlessness and violence persisted. Powerful rebel groups continued to emerge, and over 70 armed groups are present in the country today.⁴
The Congo’s natural resources
Ironically, the areas that conservationists are trying to protect, contain the natural resources–minerals and forests–that fuel the conflict by providing the rebels with the financial means to operate in the country. Gold, diamonds, cobalt, copper, zinc, and the more recently popular coltan (a component in electronic devices), are all found within the DRC. These minerals have garnered attention from major corporations, corrupt governments, and warlords, keeping the country divided by giving the rebel groups incentive to continue fighting locals and each other to take control of the mines and the forests in order to stay in power. This has the further effect of keeping the locals living in poverty despite the country’s mineral wealth, an inequality that facilitates the perpetuation of the conflict.
Threats to Congo’s great apes
This long persisting conflict has led to both direct and indirect consequences endangering apes. The war has slowed the progress of many conservationists working to save endangered species, as it has become very unsafe to continue in-field conservation work due to the ongoing violence.⁵ Disease, habitat destruction, bushmeat hunting, and mining have taken their toll on the populations of gorillas, chimpanzees, and bonobos and have the potential to eliminate these species from the wild.
Disease
Disease is running rampant throughout the DRC, exacerbated by the wartime poverty that makes it difficult for people to afford proper medical treatment. Infections spread quickly not only through people but also to apes, who are vulnerable to human disease because of their biological similarities to us. The risk of transmission increases as soldiers and refugees encroach on ape habitat, increase their proximity to these animals as they move further into the forest to harvest resources and escape conflict, respectively. Particularly deadly are diseases such as Ebola, gastrointestinal parasites, and human respiratory viruses, which the apes are not equipped to fight. Further, populations have trouble recovering from die-offs caused by disease outbreaks because of slow reproductive rates: Females usually give birth to only one offspring at a time and which is compounded by their slow reproductive rate. Females usually give birth to only one offspring at a time and only have three or four offspring over their lifetime.⁶
Habitat destruction
The economy of the DRC has been dependent on the extraction of natural resources, including timber, to bring in income. Many policies are in place to keep logging practices more sustainable; the DRC has tried to conserve its national parks, and approximately 60% of its original forest cover remains. However, deforestation is still occurring, including in areas (especially the Eastern DRC) that provide habitat for chimpanzees, gorillas, and bonobos.⁷ The process of logging impacts the apes because it can change the composition and structure of the forest, leading to fragmentation and making it less suitable for the apes who rely on it for food and shelter. Chimpanzees and bonobos build nests in the trees and gorillas construct them on the ground using the surrounding vegetation. Sadly, the fragmentation also isolates groups of apes from each other leading to inbreeding, which reduces genetic diversity and lowers fitness, ultimately causing a reduction in ape populations.¹ None of these species can survive without the forests.
Bushmeat hunting
Illegal bushmeat hunting is contributing to the decimation of ape numbers. There are two main reasons why people hunt apes. First, refugees who fled to the DRC rely on forest animals; apes are appealing because they are large and offer a lot of meat. Second, soldiers poach the apes not only for food but also as a source of income: Their meat is considered a delicacy in several countries. It is difficult to assess the size of ape populations because of security threats posed by several different militia groups found throughout the ape territory. However, it appears that bonobos have been particularly hard hit by poaching; during the active fighting that took place during the First and Second Congo Wars, about a third of the frontlines occurred within the home range of bonobos, which were killed in larger numbers to feed the fighters.³
Further, fewer than 4,000 Grauer’s gorillas are thought to remain today.² This staggering loss has pushed conservationists to establish education programs working with locals to teach them about the value of great apes and why people should not be consuming ape species. Instead community outreach programs are working with locals to create alternative food sources that are considerate of the environment and putting an emphasis on the value of apes as a living animal and not a food source.¹ To address the demand outside of the country, social media and the Internet are being used to bring awareness to the issue on a global scale. By targeting young people and community decisions makers, social pressures are being placed on people who consume bushmeat for reasons other than survival and are pushing for cultural norms to change surrounding bushmeat consumption.¹
Mineral Mining
Large surface deposits of coltan and cobalt can be found throughout the eastern region of the DRC.⁵ Coltan is a rare ore most notably used to make capacitors in cell phones and other electronics; demand for coltan has skyrocketed because of the short life cycle of mobile devices.⁸ Cobalt can be found in batteries.³ The increased use of technology and electronics across the globe has made coltan and cobalt desirable to countries around the world. Mining of these and other minerals provides jobs for many of the Congolese people, including children, who are desperate for money. By selling minerals to different rebel groups or by working for those groups, natives are able to increase their incomes. However, these militia groups pay the locals very little and keep the remainder of their earnings–sometimes millions of dollars–for themselves. They use these profits to buy weapons, which they then use to threaten natives and force them to mine. Weapons also allow fighting to continue between rebel groups who attempt to claim additional territories that contain profitable mineral deposits; some of these sites include areas that were once safe havens for apes. People working in mines (and those in logging camps as well) are not only destroying the habitat but also hunting apes for food. The biggest threat facing apes is the bushmeat hunting associated with mineral mining.
Why apes matter
The great apes of Africa have immense importance to humans and the ecosystem they live in; losing apes would have negative impacts not just on biodiversity, but also on the human inhabitants of the DRC (and beyond) and on the environment in which they live. Apes have many similarities with humans. They have large brains, use tools, and share a similar evolutionary history; studying them can increase our understanding of ourselves and our past.¹ Apes have taught and can continue to teach us about human behavior, learning and more if we allow them to persist.
Apes also play an important role in their habitat and their loss would not go unnoticed. Apes consume a large quantity of food per day and can disperse seeds of varying sizes across large distances as they forage for more food; they play an important role in plant reproduction, helping forests flourish. The extinction of great apes in the wild would alter the balance of the entire rainforest ecosystem, which is home to countless plant and animal species that are essential for food, medicine, and other resources, and which performs a variety of ecological services such as producing oxygen and mitigating the impacts of climate change by absorbing carbon dioxide.¹
How you can save great apes While the war in the DRC officially ended years ago, the continued difficulties in the country mean that great ape conservation efforts are still of the utmost importance. Through donations to conservation groups working to protect apes and provide assistance to community members, some of the hardships attributed to the residual conflict could be abated. Educating locals about the importance of ape species can be vital to reducing the number of deaths caused by hunting and disease. Another way to alleviate this problem is to decrease the demand for the products coming from the Congo’s illegal mining and timber extraction activities. It is difficult to ensure that a product is “conflict-free”, meaning the coltan and other minerals are not from miners who worked for rebel groups or mined illegally, but it is essential to try.⁸ Supply chains can be hard to follow, but consumers can “shop smart” and support companies that are working to reduce corruption and mitigate the issue by analyzing their supply chains and doing their best to avoid illegally mined minerals. Choosing companies like these can put pressure on other companies to pursue similar policies. If manufacturers only purchased sustainably-sourced resources, the miners of the DRC would be incentivized to either work legally and sustainably or even cease mining altogether.
An additional solution is recycling–not just cell phones and electronics, in order to reduce the need for newly mined coltan and cobalt, but also products incorporating other minerals and timber that otherwise would continue to be extracted from forests of the DRC. Lessening demand through smarter purchases would reduce income options for the rebel groups, thus potentially making it possible for the Congolese Army to defeat them. This, in turn, would help decrease the violence, allowing for the eventual strengthening of the Congolese government and a gradual ending to the enduring conflict. If the government regained control, they could more easily enforce laws against poaching, mining, and logging, thereby allowing remaining ape populations to thrive and come back from the brink of extinction.
These issues may seem remote to many readers, but people around the world can contribute to ape conservation efforts by sharing information about the issues, the importance of apes, and potential solutions–after all, you cannot solve a problem without first realizing it exists. Once people have been educated, they should be inspired to seek out ways to help through donations, recycling, and being a conscious consumer–ultimately improving conservation outcomes and helping ensure the maintenance of great ape populations.
References
Estrada, A., Garber, P., Rylands, A., Roos, C., Fernandez-Duque, E., Di Fiore, A., … Pan, R. (2017). Impending extinction crisis of the world’s primates: Why primates matter. Science Advances, 3, e1600946.
Zhou, L., Tian, Y., Myneni, R., Ciais, P., Saatchi, S., Liu, Y., Piao, S… Hwang, T. (2014). Widespread decline of Congo rainforest greenness in the past decade. Nature, 509, 86-92.
Vogel, G. (2000). Conflict in Congo threatens bonobos and rare gorillas. Science, 287, 5462.
Council on Foreign Relations. (2018). Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Global Conflict Tracker. Retrieved from https://www.cfr.org/interactives/global-conflict-tracker#!/conflict/violence-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo.
Plumbtre, A. (2003). Lessons Learned from On-the-Ground Conservation in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Journal of Sustainable Forestry, 16, 71-91.
Ryan, S. & Walsh, P. (2011). Consequences of Non-Intervention for Infectious Disease in African Great Apes. PLoS ONE, 6(12): e29030.
Walsh, P., Abernethy, K., Bermejo, M., Beyers, R., De Wachter, P., Ella Akou, M., … Wilkie, D. (2003). Catastrophic ape decline in western equatorial Africa. Nature, 422, 611-613.
Moran, D., McBain, D., Kanemoto, K., Lenzen, M. & Geschke, A. (2014). Global Supply Chains of Coltan: A Hybrid Life Cycle Assessment Study Using a Social Indicator. Journal of Industrial Ecology, 19, 357-365.
I was born in India, but two years later my family was in Australia, part of the flotsam and jetsam of the British Empire washed up in a country none of us knew anything about. For the last thirty years, I have lived close to saltwater Country on the Illawarra coast of New South Wales, where I can daily and nightly walk the tideline. At my favourite and secret local beach I watch the energy dissipate from waves born in ocean storms hundreds of kilometres away, and those waves, like Empire, wash all kinds of things ashore.
Beneath the bright seaworn plastic and the bodies of exhausted shearwaters, small spiral-engraved discs shine amongst the sand and seaweed. My children call them mermaid money. These are opercula, little doors, the calcium carbonate lids that marine snails make to close off their shell homes. Opercula accumulate singly or in drifts as currents and waves bring them from the ocean to the tide zone. When part of the living animal, their owners etch their daily pathways in braille across the sand of ocean floors, their lives crossing and recrossing in minute encounters. Once those animals die, the soft parts of their bodies become food for carnivores and detrivores, and their hard shell parts strew across rocky substrate and sand, to be re-used and moved and recycled.
Opercula are persistent, the hard calcium carbonate material sometimes taking many hundreds or even thousands of years to disintegrate. They are often found in Aboriginal shell middens, signs of shoreline ceremonial feasts, or humble family meals. Middens in my region are most likely between 3,000 to 8,000 years old, in part reflecting the time the coastline stabilised to its current position around 8,000 years ago as the seas rose at the end of the last ice age. Saltwater Aboriginal people lived through that long period of drowning coastlines, adapting and responding to momentous changes and opportunities as the sea moved landward at rates of twenty metres annually.
One of the joys and privileges of living in saltwater Country has been spending time learning with local Aboriginal people and others who can trace multiple generations here. The deep time perspectives, the layers of more recent history traced on land and seascapes, the continuity of wild food gathering, the glimpses into a deeply storied landscape, all enrich and redefine my understandings of these coasts and waters. I also gather food here, spearfishing and diving for abalone, crayfish, and urchins, and gathering edible seaweeds and native spinach on rock platforms and dunes. I have learned from Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal locals about habitats, seasons, relationships, changes of all kinds, and their opportunities and limitations in supporting life. This knowledge is not taught formally or abstractly, it is experiential, learned through using our hands and bodies and eyes, sharing labour across generations, walking and swimming, and diving in this place.
I routinely beachcomb these shores, examining and sometimes keeping everything from rusty metal ship parts to shark egg cases to opercula. Most of the opercula I find in Australia are from the marine turban snail (Turbo undulata), commonly called conks by Aboriginal people, and turbos or turbans by others. Opercula are also found and used in India, particularly on the southern coasts, and I have found various different species on the coast at Rameswaram. The opercula of shankha, the sacred conch (Turbinella pyrum), and several other species are extensively used in incense manufacture. I have small collections of those spiraled discs on my bookshelves. They are found art, each individual operculum unique and beautiful. One smooth side has a pure and sinuous spiral, its precise geometry and form reflecting the unique conditions of its life and times; and the other more convoluted side marked by the anatomy of the gastropod muscle itself in all its diversity. Shells are the earliest jewelry, the most ancient currency, used in the first known examples of abstract art – all expressions of the relationship between our humanity and our animality.
Looking offshore, a limitless ocean reaches the edge of visibility: vast, mobile, constant. Unknowable. The surging tidal edge where I stand is a microcosm and macrocosm of change: second by second, tide by tide, aeon by aeon, the deep constant matrix of evolutionary life momentarily expresses each unique and fleeting life amongst the great cycles of flux. Our simultaneously huge and puny human impacts are gathered and archived and neutralised by vast planetary forces far outside our knowledge. The small spiraled discs of opercula shining in my palm hold the stories of both persistence and change, of finding the appropriate ways to live on these shores.
Further Reading:
An earlier version of this article was published on the Everyday Futures website. https://everydayfutures.com.au/project/opercula/
In partnership with innovative local land rights organisations, Namati supports communities to protect, document, and defend their customary and indigenous land rights.
For billions of rural people, the land is their greatest asset: the source of food and water, the site of their livelihoods, and the locus of history, culture, spirituality, and community. Yet population growth, climate change, and increasing global demand are putting pressure on increasingly scarce lands and natural resources. The resulting commoditisation of land tends to increase competition for natural resources and precipitate a breakdown of the customary and indigenous rules that govern their equitable and sustainable use — rules that in the past functioned to protect the land rights of vulnerable groups and support conservation and flourishing of local ecosystems.
Global attention has tended to focus on strengthening household property rights, but studies have shown that rural families disproportionally rely on common wetlands, forests, and grazing areas to survive. Rural families, both subsist from and earn their livelihood on these lands – gathering wild foods and medicines, hunting and fishing, grazing their animals, collecting wood for fuel, and sourcing building materials. As land has become more scarce, powerful elites are increasingly leveraging their power to claim communal lands in bad faith. Meanwhile, poorer families are finding it harder to subsist on increasingly scarce resources. Strong legal protections and local rules for shared community lands and natural resources are therefore critical.
A community-led approach to strengthen local rules In Nepal, an estimated 5% of the population owns 37% of the arable land, while 53% of farmers are functionally landless, holding less than half a hectare of land, an area too small for subsistence requirements. Moreover, an estimated 480,000 rural families do not have access to any land at all. These landless families often live within community forests, which leads to conflicts with local Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs), elected groups of villagers who manage their community’s forest to ensure sustainable use and long-term conservation. To address these challenges, from 2013 to 2016, the Community Self Reliance Centre (CSRC) and Namati piloted a process to help communities strengthen local rules for land and natural resources management and support community-driven resettlement of authentically landless families in Bardiya and Kailali, neighbouring districts in the southwest of the country on the border of India.
The region, known as the ‘Terai’, is primarily agricultural, with fertile soil. The indigenous peoples of the region are Tharu, and primarily speak the Tharu language (54%), with only 35% speaking Nepali. Other ethnic groups living in the area include Brahmins/ Chhetris, Dalits, and Newars. A significant percentage of the non-indigenous population of the Terai have familial or ethnic links to India, as the border between India and Nepal is porous, with many Nepali men crossing the border to seek work for long periods of time. In the 1960s, a large influx of migrants from the mountain regions of Nepal and India marginalised the landowning indigenous Tharu people, who had no paper records of their land rights, by occupying their lands and registering the land in their names. As a result, many Tharu families lost the land to these immigrants and were forced into bonded labour.
Four ‘communities’—encompassing over 27,000 hectares of land that together had a combined population of more than 80,000 people — were led by local paralegals and Community Land Reform Committees elected by their communities to complete the following activities:
1. Community visioning In one three-hour meeting, community members reflect upon and analyse the condition—and relative flourishing—of their lands, natural resources, and socio-cultural life many years in the past, today, and many years in the future (if circumstances continue along their current trajectory), then create a vision of how they want their community to be for their grandchildren’s children.
2. Valuation of community land and natural resources In a second three-hour meeting, community members use simple math to calculate the monetary value that they are already receiving from natural resources gathered from their common lands, forests and waters. Community members make a list of all of the natural resources that they gather from community forests and common lands, then calculate how much they would have to pay to purchase these resources in the local market if they could not go into their common lands to freely gather them.
3. Drafting and adopting community bylaws Over six to eight months, the community uses deliberatively democratic processes to create rules for the sustainable and equitable management of their lands and natural resources. The first draft is made by community members collectively “shouting out” all of their existing local rules and all the rules their ancestors followed in the past. Everything is written down onto big sheets of paper organised into three categories: —Rules about leadership and land governance, including rules about who can be a leader, leaders’ responsibilities, how decisions about land and natural resources should be made, how to resolve conflicts, etc.; —Rules about use and management of natural resources, including rules about water, forests, livestock, hunting and fishing, thatch and building materials, seasonal users’ rights, etc.; and —Cultural and social rules including rules about women’s rights, children’s rights, rules for relationships with neighbours, etc.
Facilitators then provide legal education on national laws and support community members to review their existing rules, adding new rules, deleting old rules that no longer serve the community’s best interests, and changing existing rules to reflect emerging community needs until a complete second draft is agreed upon. Lawyers then review the draft to ensure alignment with national laws, and then, after changing any rules that contradict national law, the community convenes a large ‘bylaws adoption ceremony’ at which the rules are read out, then voted on and adopted by consensus or supermajority vote. Local leaders, government officials, neighbours, and stakeholders attend, and local government officials sign and stamp the bylaws as evidence of their endorsement. Some communities also elect a “Land Governance Council,” composed of trusted community leaders and members of all local stakeholder groups, including women, youth, and marginalised groups, to manage community lands and natural resources according to the adopted bylaws, and work with local leaders/ governments to ensure that the bylaws are enforced.
4. Community mapping and land use planning Communities document their lands using sketch maps and satellite imagery, then use those maps to make basic land use plans to connect their bylaws to the physical landscape and to ensure that the community develops according to its future vision. In Nepal, communities used their maps to identify unused or barren lands that might be used to plant forests or offered to landless families for resettlement.
Recognising conservation as an outcome In Nepal, the visioning and valuation activities created an acute sense of urgent need to protect and conserve the local ecosystem. Reflecting on the impacts of these activities, a community member in Bardiya District explained how, even though the original goal of the project was to address landlessness, once they completed the visioning activity, the goal changed: “The project taught us about remembering how the situation was 30 years ago, how the situation is now, and how it will be 30 years in the future. 30 years ago there was plenty of forest, and now that is decreasing, and so for the future we are trying to get our forest back, to restore our ecosystem to what it was like in the past, so we focused on conservation as the goal of the project.”
He explained that after completing the visioning exercise, the community bought saplings from local Community Forest User Groups and planted the forest on what used to be a very degraded sandy area. He recounted how, soon after they protected the area with basic fencing, all the saplings grew, along with a variety of indigenous species they had not planted. Community members also attested to the fact that in the three years since they had planted the saplings, the earth in the area had become richer and less sandy, and the air under the trees had become cooler. In other communities as well, the visioning and valuation activities spurred analysis of the various causes of their lands’ declining fertility and relatively reduced ecological abundance. As described by CSRC’s project manager: “Through the process, became very excited about saving community land. In the communities some people started to make compost fertiliser – because in the visioning exercise, they saw that the land’s power/capacity has been decreasing, and asked, ‘What is the cause?’ They figured out that the chemical fertilisers were depleting the soil. And so they put rules about only using organic fertiliser in their bylaws.”
As with the visioning exercise, project field staff and community members alike expressed astonishment at what they learned from the valuation exercise. As explained by one of the paralegals in Bardiya: “When I did the practice at the community level, people gave a very long list of the things they get from the forest; I never thought that community people were using these things in every day life! And they too had never realised how much they were getting from the forest – 52 types of plants they use in daily life! This was surprising to all of us, even the villagers.”
Box 1
One woman in Jabdahawa community, the female secretary of the Community Land Reform Committee, explained that the valuation activity opened her eyes and helped her understand local natural resources more deeply: “My birthplace is a little bit far from here, and there is no forest in my home place, it is like a city. I had heard about the forest, but I didn’t feel what was a forest. When I came here after getting married, and I saw the jungle, I started to go to the jungle every day. I used to carry firewood and other things from the forest. But it was not until I was involved in the valuation exercise that I understood properly what is a forest. A forest is nature, a forest is our life, the forest gives many things to us, so we have to give something to the forest as well. Without our support the forest cannot exist anymore.”
In response to future visions of environmental degradation, the Nepali communities passed bylaws outlawing the use of chemical fertilisers and mandating the use of natural, traditional fertilisers; prohibiting fishing using poisonous chemicals and electric-shock tactics; prohibiting water contamination; and requiring all community members to actively plant trees, among many other conservation-focused rules (see Box 1, which includes some of Bhajani municipality’s bylaws).
An informal 2018 assessment found that most community members interviewed could recite many of their bylaws from memory. For example, community members in Bhajani Municipality were collectively able to “shout out” a significant number of their bylaws. One man offered that: “We made rules for ending poisoning in the river and no more fires in the forest. Until today, these rules are being followed and enforced!” while others in his community explained how the community’s new rules outlawing child marriage and child labour, requiring joint land certificates for husbands and wives, mandating equal wages for women and men doing the same work, prohibiting forced unpaid labour, and calling for women’s participation in local land governance, were also being strictly enforced. In Bardiya district, community members similarly reported how, in the two years since the 2016 passage of their bylaws: “No one is now using pesticides in ponds and rivers —this has totally stopped —we made a very strong rule and have been enforcing it. Before this project, this was happening massively, but now no one uses pesticides to fish in the river and the pond. Now, as a result, we had no idea if the water quality is enhancing or not because we have not tested it, but we can say is that now we are getting more fish. The water is more clean, there are more plants.
Although not every community member was equally knowledgeable about the bylaws drafting process, overall the communities interviewed reported a profound sense of ownership over the bylaws, citing that being directly involved in their community’s rule-making process impacted both their knowledge of the rules and their commitment to follow them. For example, a man in Bhajani Municipality explained: “I thought that the rules came from the top…but through the project, I learned and realised that we should develop our rules at the community level; that it is very important to properly address our own issues. Also, we realised that we had very good laws at our community level traditionally, but these rules were not documented. Now we have documented our traditional rules, and this gives us a greater base—if we had not documented this, it could have disappeared, but now we have it written and printed.”
Community members across both districts explained how the process of sitting together as a community and critically reflecting on the state of their lands and natural resources helped to create a sense of responsibility. One man, when asked about the personal impacts of the project on this own life, explained: “I learned that we have to look at long-term benefits rather than short-term benefits— and if we take actions towards our own short-term benefits without thinking of the long-term repercussions of our actions, it may create problems, especially in regard to the use of the natural resources. For example, if we cut trees today, it will quickly give us firewood but will be very harmful in the long term.”
Another community member explained how: “We are working not only for our generation; we are becoming older. We are concerned about our future generations, so we are conserving our natural resources and using our bylaws to keep our future well for our children.”
Learnings Supporting communities to reflect on the past, present, and future conditions of their lands, natural resources, and culture, and then write down their customary/ indigenous rules for local land and natural resources management which are updated to align with national law and evolving conditions, is key to community land and natural resource protection. Rules should not come from above but be grounded in a community’s culture, history, and specific ecological context. When community members are supported to critically reflect on the future they would like their grandchildren to inherit—and then to create rules to ensure that future vision of a thriving local ecosystem and a flourishing society—it is possible to change even seemingly entrenched unjust or unsustainable practices. Local rulemaking can empower communities to protect their lands, drive the course of their own development, create more equitable societies, and preserve ecological and cultural diversity for future generations.
Further reading Gray, M. & J. Altman. 2006. The economic value of harvesting wild resources to the Indigenous community of the Wallis Lake Catchment, NSW. Family Matters 75: 24.
Qureshi, M.H. & S. Kumar. 1998. Contributions of common lands to household economies in Haryana, India. Environmental Conservation 25: 342-353.
Shackleton, C.M., S.E. Shackleton & B. Cousins. 2001. The role of land-based strategies in rural livelihoods: The contribution of arable production, animal husbandry and natural resource harvesting in communal areas in South Africa. Development Southern Africa 18: 581-604.
Coyotes, known for their intelligence and cunning nature, have dramatically expanded their range as they have adapted to urban environments. Despite efforts to eradicate coyotes over the last hundred years, the species continues to thrive. Their presence in urban environments often elicits strong responses from the public.
It is an early Saturday morning in the Denver suburbs and I am awakened at 5 AM by my dogs, who are eager to go outside. I open the sliding glass door to the deck and the dogs disperse into the backyard. At first glance, there appears to be an additional dog in the backyard but upon closer inspection, I realise it is a coyote. Concerned for the safety of my dogs, I step off the deck and into the backyard. I use my loudest voice and yell at the coyote, waving my arms overhead. Startled by my voice, the coyote leaps over the fence and continues trotting along the open space trail away from the neighbourhood houses. This type of encounter is common in communities across North America and may not always end as well as this one.
Human-coyote conflicts may involve an attack on a domestic pet or human, or an incident where a coyote displays aggressive behaviour towards humans, causing a public safety concern. As dogs may be considered prey or viewed by coyotes as a competitor, attacks on dogs are more common than attacks on humans. Over time if coyotes become accustomed to humans, a process known as habituation, coyotes may lose their fear of humans and no longer keep their distance from humans or pets. Such habituation can lead to human-coyote conflicts. In effect, habituation due to the unintentional or intentional feeding of coyotes has been linked to incidents where people have been attacked by coyotes. The (limited) research on human-coyote conflicts in urban areas suggests that most of these encounters occur in backyards, near homes, or while walking a dog, especially if the dog is off-leash.
Coyotes, known for their intelligence and cunning nature, have dramatically expanded their range as they have adapted to urban environments. Despite efforts to eradicate coyotes over the last hundred years based on the assumption they preyed on large game animals (e.g. mule deer, bighorn sheep, pronghorn antelope) and livestock, the species continues to thrive. Coyotes tend to avoid humans and spend more time in fragments of natural habitat where humans are less active and will increase their use of different habitats at night. As habitat becomes more fragmented and human populations continue to grow, human-coyote conflicts are on the rise; the presence of coyotes in urban environments often elicits strong responses from the public. These responses can be positive or negative and may be based on previous experiences with coyotes and may also vary based on other factors such as gender, pet ownership or whether one hunts. However, fear contributes to more negative responses due to concerns for the safety or the spread of disease. Thus, wildlife managers need to find effective management methods to address these conflicts and therefore it is important to understand coyote ecology and behaviour.
Coyote ecology in urban landscapes Coyotes considered a keystone species, play a critical role in the health of urban ecosystems by maintaining biodiversity. As the top predator in many urban cities across North America, coyotes may regulate the populations of mesopredators (medium-sized predators) such as skunks, foxes, and raccoons by suppressing these species through competition. As a result, bird diversity may improve as there are fewer mesopredator species to prey on songbirds and their eggs. Coyotes also control rodent, white-tailed deer, Canada geese, and feral cat populations through predation. Conversely, where coyote populations are significantly smaller or absent, mesopredator populations may explode, reducing bird and plant diversity and altering the relationship between the species in the food chain below coyotes. Despite their positive effects on urban environments, they may have a negative impact on urban communities by preying on domestic pets, such as dogs and cats.
The home range of coyotes in urban landscapes
When it comes to mitigating human-coyote conflicts, an understanding of the size of the home ranges is critical to understanding how coyotes use urban landscapes and how human-coyote conflicts may emerge. Coyotes favour smaller home ranges in urban areas compared to non-urban areas, which may be attributed to fragmented landscapes and the availability of food, including both natural (e.g., rabbits, mice, voles, deer, and plants) and anthropogenic (e.g., garbage, dog food, fruit trees, and pets) food sources. As coyotes are opportunistic predators, they may alter their tendency to avoid people in order to consume anthropogenic food sources near homes or prey on pets (in fact, this latter habit is a major source of human-coyote conflicts). These reduced home ranges, coupled with higher survival rates, drive high urban coyote population densities. As a result, communities across North America have established urban coyote management plans to manage coyote populations and address human-coyote conflicts.
Human-coyote conflicts: management of coyotes
Today, urban coyote populations are managed by a variety of regulatory stakeholders including United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) Wildlife Services, state wildlife agencies, and local governments. To effectively manage coyote populations, a combination of non-lethal and lethal methods may be used. Non-lethal methods include preservation of natural landscapes as buffers between coyotes and human populations, enactment of laws prohibiting the unintentional and intentional feeding of coyotes, enforcement of dog leash laws, and community engagement through public outreach and education programmes. In contrast, lethal methods include the non-selective and targeted killing of coyotes, which may be used in response to attacks on humans or pets. However, these lethal methods can be controversial and are often ineffective because coyote populations have adapted by breeding at an earlier age and having larger litters when their populations are suppressed.
These human-wildlife conflicts provide a valuable learning opportunity for predator conservation. Through such experiences, wildlife managers can learn what tactics are more successful and apply these tactics to minimise human coyote conflicts. An important step in the management of coyotes is understanding the perceptions and attitudes of the public towards coyotes and management methods in urban landscapes. By understanding the preferences of the public, wildlife managers can determine the types of management methods the public would support and the methods that might be most effective in addressing the issue of human-coyote conflicts in urban landscapes. More research similar to studies conducted by Hudenko et al. (2008), Lawrence and Krausman (2011), and Draheim et al. (2013) is needed on public attitudes towards coyotes in various urban landscapes to understand how to effectively work with the public to address the issue of human-coyote conflicts before such conflicts escalate further.
Opportunities for coexistence An integral part of any urban coyote management plan, community outreach, and educational programmes focus on increasing understanding about coyote behaviours and the coyote’s ecological role in urban landscapes and can help mitigate human coyote conflicts. For example, Denver, Colorado implemented a coyote management plan that focuses on community outreach programmes centred on creating an understanding of coyote behaviour and sharing hazing techniques with the public to minimise negative encounters with coyotes. The plan has been successful in reducing human-coyote conflicts: The city started seeing a decrease in incidents within the first year. In fact, Denver’s plan is one of eight that influenced the creation of The Humane Society of the United States (HSUS) Template Coyote Management and Coexistence Plan, which is available for use by communities across the US. Tactics like those outlined in the plan can help increase the tolerance of coyotes, especially in areas where coyote populations are more recently established. Increasing tolerance of coyotes and promoting coexistence are important goals of education campaigns and should be a part of any coyote management plan.
Tips to promote coexistence include the following:
1 Prohibit the intentional feeding of coyotes. 2 Remove food attractants from around the home by securing garbage, keeping pet food indoors, and, for homes with fruit trees, remove fallen fruit from yards. 3 Never allow coyotes to approach pets. 4 Haze coyotes encountered near homes or open spaces by using a loud voice, waving arms, or throwing objects if the coyote’s behaviour is perceived as threatening to people or pets. 5 Always supervise children and pets when outdoors. 6 Keep cats indoors. 7 Keep dogs on leash when walking dogs in neighbourhoods or on open space trails. 8 Contact local law enforcement agency or the state wildlife agency if an aggressive coyote is encountered.
Conclusion In reality, human-wildlife conflicts are increasing around the world as habitat continues to become fragmented in response to human population growth and as humans and wildlife compete for land and resources. Many of these conflicts involve predators, such as tigers in India, snow leopards and wolves in Mongolia, and lions in Africa. Experiences with predators, whether positive or negative, can influence public perceptions and views. Opportunities exist to reduce human-wildlife conflict through public education campaigns and community outreach programmes that focus not only on increasing public tolerance towards these predators but also on altering both human and predator behaviour to prevent habituation. The story at the beginning of this article demonstrates how such education can be successful in mitigating human-wildlife conflicts. By taking a closer look at coyotes and developing a greater understanding of their behaviour and how such conflicts are being addressed in the US, opportunities exist to apply similar knowledge and understanding about other predators to address these conflicts in other parts of the world. Human-wildlife conflicts are complex by their very nature and there is no one-size fits all solution. Understanding predator behaviour, attitudes towards predators, and how our behaviour may contribute to some of these conflicts, are the first steps to finding solutions that encourage coexistence. History has already demonstrated that coyotes are not likely to be eradicated and that they are here to stay in urban landscapes. Coexistence between humans and coyotes is possible but it will require changes in not only attitudes but also behaviour. The question will be whether humans can take a lesson from coyotes and adapt to the presence of these wild neighbours, just as they have adapted to living in our urban landscapes.
Further reading Gehrt, S.D. 2007. Ecology of Coyotes In Urban Landscapes. Wildlife Damage Management Conferences Proceedings Paper 63.
Gehrt, S.D., C. Anchor and L.A. White. 2009. Home Range and Landscape Use of Coyotes in a Metropolitan Landscape: Conflict or Coexistence? Journal of Mammalogy 90: 1045-1057.
Hudenko, H.W., W.F. Siemer and D.J. Decker. 2008. Humans and Coyotes in Suburbia: Can Experience Lead to Sustainable Coexistence? HDRU Series 08-09. Cornell University, Ithaca, USA.
Lawrence, S.E. and P.R. Krausman. 2011. Reactions of the Public to Urban Coyotes (Canis latrans). The Southwestern Naturalist 56: 404-409.
Poessel, S.A., S.W. Breck, T.L. Teel, S. Shwiff, K.R. Crooks and L. Angeloni. 2013. Patterns of human coyote conflicts in the Denver Metropolitan Area. Journal of Wildlife Management 77: 297-305.
My name is David and I study trees. In particular, I hope to find out how the trees in the Amazon rainforest are coping with our changing climate and global warming.
My research takes place in a remote part of the Amazon in Eastern Brazil. To get there takes me three whole days of travelling. First I take three different flights, to get from London to Belém, a city at the mouth of the Amazon River, where it flows into the ocean. Once in Belém, I stock up on enough food to last me for the month I will spend in the jungle. I have to buy everything I will need, as I won’t see another shop for weeks. Belém is a busy city, acting as the main port for the entire Amazon. Here, I visit a huge market, vibrant and colourful, with lots of new sights and smells for me to take in, including tropical fruits of every size and colour, many I have never heard of before. The fish market is the most impressive though, as it sells enormous fish caught from the river. Some weigh over 80kg and are longer than I am tall.
The fish market in Belém where giant Amazonian river fish are for sale.
After visiting the market, I join the rest of my research team. We board a boat and begin the next leg of the journey. For the next 30 hours, we travel up the Amazon River to our field station, sharing a small cabin to sleep in, telling stories to pass the time. During these two days, we travel 250 miles, passing only small villages on the way. As we enter deeper into the lush green forest, we see brightly coloured parrots flying overhead and watch pink river dolphins swimming alongside the boat.
The sunrise over the Amazon River is spectacular during the long boat journey to our field base.
When we arrive, we unload the boat and set up our equipment, making sure everything is working and nothing has broken on the way. We then take our first trek into the forest to look at the trees we will be studying.
Over the next month, I undertake this walk every day. The heat and humidity are intense, but fortunately, the canopy blocks out most of the sun. As I walk I keep my eyes open for wildlife, as I never know what I will encounter in the jungle. Some days it’s birds I see; other days it’s snakes.
In the forest, my work involves measuring the health of leaves. To do this I use a piece of equipment that can tell me how fast the leaves can make food and how fast they use it. I then use this information to understand if the forest is still healthy and to identify which trees are not doing so well. If the leaves have a high capacity to produce sugar but consume very little, I know they are healthy.
Despite being in the middle of a forest, getting the leaves I need is actually a major challenge. Trees here can be very tall and some only produce leaves 40-50 metres above the forest floor. To reach these I work with some local people, who compared with me can climb as well as the monkeys in the forest around us. Climbing up the tree trunk, they cut a branch down for me, carefully selecting a branch exposed to the sun. We try to have as little impact on the environment by only collecting one branch with roughly 40 leaves, leaving thousands more intact.
Every day I measure the health of several different trees. This is me working in the forest.
Days working in the forest are long and hard. I work through the midday sun, all the while fending off biting insects. Every day I eat the same food and do repetitive tasks. Despite these challenges, the forest is an exhilarating place to work. I love seeing new plants and animals every day and never get tired of the stunning scenery. The noises in the forest are magical, changing every hour as different animals become active. In the morning I hear birds singing, whilst the noisy cicadas wake up at lunchtime, producing an amazing racket with their wings. In the evening, I hear the terrifying howls of the howler monkeys as they warn the other groups – “this is our territory”. I love how dynamic the forest is and it is a real privilege to work in the biggest rainforest in the world.
One of the main motivations for my work is to improve the conservation of giant trees. This tree reaches 40m in height, emerging above the canopy.
Before we realise it, one month in the forest has passed and it is time to leave. We are all sad to say goodbye to the forest and its animals, but we are excited to get home to our families and friends. We return with the data we came for, as well as many memories and new friendships. Just one last thing remains – a three-day journey home.
Chances are good that you have seen a turtle cross a road. Perhaps you have even stopped to assist one on its journey out of concern that a car would hit it. The body of a dead turtle, its shell crushed by an automobile, is clear evidence that road crossing can be fatal for an individual turtle. A more complex question is if roads and other aspects of urbanization have population-level consequences for turtles. For example, if nesting adult female turtles are at greater risk than males of being hit by a car or a lawnmower, then you’d expect fewer females in populations at higher levels of urbanization. The difficulty of testing this hypothesis is obtaining enough data at enough sites of varying degrees of urbanization. We solved this problem by creating a collaborative research project named TurtlePop through the Ecological Research as Education Network (www.erenweb.org). Over 1000 undergraduates worked with faculty at 24 institutions across central and eastern United States to learn about, measure, and share data on freshwater turtles.
We found, contrary to expectation, the proportion of adult female painted turtles in a population increased with urbanization. While we do not definitively know the reason for this surprising result, we suspect more urbanized areas produce more female hatchling turtles. The sex of most turtle species is determined during incubation, with higher temperatures producing females. If more urbanized areas have warmer soil, as would be expected due to the urban heat island effect, then more females than males may be produced, and this biased hatchling sex ratio may continue into adulthood. We need to conduct a lot more research to understand how human-induced changes in the landscape influence populations of turtles. In the meantime, continue to keep an eye out for our shelled friends trying to cross a road!
Further Reading: Bowne, D.R., B.J. Cosentino, L.J. Anderson, C. P. Bloch, S. Cooke, P. W. Crumrine, J. Dallas, A. Doran, J.J. Dosch, D. L. Druckenbrod, R. D. Durtsche, D. Garneau, K. S. Genet, T. S. Fredericksen, P.A. Kish, M.B. Kolozsvary, F.T. Kuserk, E.S. Lindquist, C. Mankiewicz, J.G. March, T.J. Muir, K.G. Murray, M.N. Santulli, F.J. Sicignano, P.D. Smallwood, R.A. Urban, K. Winnett-Murray, C.R. Zimmermann.2018. Effects of urbanization on population structure of freshwater turtles across the United States. Conservation Biology. https://doi.org/10.1111/cobi.13136.
Coral reefs aren’t just vacation spots for families or sources of livelihood for fishermen- they also serve as habitats or ‘homes’ for a variety of fishes and other marine wildlife. However, human interference in the form of coastal development and dredging has caused a considerable disturbance and resulted in both fewer numbers and species of fish in coral reefs.
A recent project that took place in Broward County, Florida USA, examined whether artificial habitats could replace those that had been lost. The researchers chose 24 survey sites located in the Nova South Eastern University harbour (an important fish breeding area) and placed small, inexpensive artificial reefs, or ‘AR’ units at alternate sites. These sites were surveyed once a month for 14 months from 2015 to 2016. During these surveys, researchers counted both the number of fish as well as the number of species found. The results showed that there was a significantly larger number of fishes at the AR sites than at the sites without the units, both in terms of abundance and diversity. The AR units hosted large numbers of grunts and snappers, as well as other small-sized and juvenile fishes since it provided them with protection and shelter from larger predators. Interestingly, this abundance gradually declined over time. The researchers suggest that this could be due to factors such as predation, as well as the development of smaller juvenile fishes to larger adults, which made them less vulnerable to predators and therefore less likely to seek shelter in the units.
This project demonstrated that artificial habitats, such as these AR units, can be used to reduce the loss of fishes due to habitat destruction. In the future, scientists are planning projects that use units with smaller spaces and partial caging so that smaller species can seek better refuge from predators. Though this does not fully compensate for the destruction of coral reefs, it is a simple but effective method that could be used to lessen the impact of habitat destruction.
Further Reading: Patranella, A., Kilfoyle, K., Pioch, S., &Spieler, R. (2017). Artificial Reefs as Juvenile Fish Habitat in a Marina. Journal of Coastal Research, 33(6), 1341-1351.
The Amur tiger is an endangered subspecies of tiger confined to the Russian Far East and north-eastern China. With just under 600 individuals remaining in the world, information on their whereabouts, habitat use, and population genetics is essential. Most of these tigers are found in Russia, but a smaller, isolated population of just 11-14 individuals exists straddling the Russia-China border. This subspecies has the lowest genetic variation of all tigers, but the two subpopulations have difficulty mixing because of large railways, roads, wetlands and deforested, human-dominated areas blocking their path. Hunchun nature reserve was established along the border to protect tigers and the equally endangered Amur leopard.
To help understand this population’s habitat requirements and thereby improve conservation, a long-term camera trapping project was set up in the reserve and the surrounding areas. Over 12 months, 356 cameras captured images of tigers and leopards in their natural habitat, 21 individual tigers were identified from the photos. They preferred low elevation forest, presumably because their main prey, the sika deer, also lives there. Tigers also avoided habitats with large numbers of cattle or that were too close to human settlements or roads. While it is good news that the tiger population has increased and is expanding into China, human activity outside the protected area means tigers might struggle there. Effective conservation would require a reduction in grazing intensity and deforestation to form corridors connecting to forest patches deeper inside China – and luckily, a 2016 government initiative plans to do just that.
Further Reading: Wang, Tianming, et al. “Living on the edge: Opportunities for Amur tiger recovery in China.” Biological Conservation 217 (2018): 269-279.
What once enabled the completion of the Statue of Liberty, today is helping conservation efforts around the world. When government funds dried up in the late 1800s and the Statue did not have a pedestal where to stand, a New York-based newspaper launched a massive public appeal to raise funds, an early example of crowdfunding. Nowadays, this practice to raise funds has been amplified through the power of the internet, with so-called crowdfunding platforms. This fundraising mechanism is supporting actions to save iconic natural places, such as the Tasmania wilderness, as well as threatened species, such as the Black Rhinoceros and the Bornean Orangutan. The current biodiversity crisis requires funding if we are to avert extinctions. However, funding is limited, so understanding emerging financial mechanisms is paramount. Crowdfunding has become a popular mechanism to raise funds for conservation.
Nevertheless, despite its use, no one had quantified the extent to which crowdfunding has been supporting biodiversity conservation at a global scale, until now. Recent research led by The University of Queensland and Deakin University conducted a global analysis of the use of crowdfunding for biodiversity conservation. The team discovered that this mechanism has raised US$4.8 million since 2009, through 577 projects delivered in 80 countries across all continents. Furthermore, crowdfunding is not only supporting research; it is also enabling key actions, such as restoration and outreach. Some of these actions include innovative initiatives, such as training sheepdogs to protect a penguin colony from fox predation. Crowdfunding is not only providing additional funds for conservation, it is also fostering community engagement, pluralizing views on conservation by enabling wider public participation, and providing emergency funds to avoid extinctions. Crowdfunding for biodiversity conservation has become a global phenomenon and has potential for further expansion.
Further Reading: Gallo-Cajiao, E., Archibald, C., Friedman, R., Stevens, R., Game, E., Morrison, T. H., Fuller, R. and E. Ritchie. In press. Crowdfunding biodiversity conservation. Conservation Biology. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/cobi.13144
Ninety-four percent of Madagascar’s 101 endemic lemur species are threatened, making lemurs the single most imperilled mammal group on Earth. New research documents the impacts of illegal lemur hunting by humans in and adjacent to Makira Natural Park, northeastern Madagascar. This work highlights a critical dilemma and question in conservation biology: how do we balance biodiversity preservation with the basic human needs of communities dependent on wildlife for subsistence?
The research team interviewed 1150 households over eight years (2005-13) and determined that lemur hunting by humans in Makira peaks during the fruit abundant wet season (March-June) when lemurs aggregate at fruit resources and are easiest to hunt. The authors applied mathematical modelling techniques to population densities established from field surveys to project lemur survival into the future, under a suite of diverse hunting and dispersal scenarios. They demonstrated that Makira’s largest-bodied lemurs (i.e. Hapalemur occidentalis, Avahi laniger, Daubentonia madagascariensis, and Indri indri) are the most severely threatened. These species are innately vulnerable because of later ages of first reproduction and longer periods between birth. I. indri and D.madagascariensis (the ‘aye-aye’) are further jeopardized because they give birth during peak hunting season.
Male Indri (Indri indri) reaching for leaves / foraging in forest understorey. Mitsinjo Reserve, Andasibe-Mantadia National Park, eastern Madagascar. Endangered.
The authors conclude that current hunting rates for lemurs are unsustainable and likely to cause regional species extirpations if continued into the future. Simultaneously, they acknowledge previous work from the region that documents reliance on wild meat for human health. The authors suggest that guiding communities away from wildlife consumption to domestic protein alternatives will be necessary to jointly promoting wildlife and human livelihoods.
Further Reading:
Brook CE et al. 2018. Population viability and harvest sustainability for Madagascar lemurs. Conservation Biology:1–33.
I’m a photographer who has been shooting objects washed up on the shores of Mumbai, India for the past year and a half. The series is called Washed Up. The images that I have attached here are a mix of toys, idols, medical waste and everyday objects. Through the process of shooting this series, I’ve noticed how life in the city has an impact on the kind of waste that gets washed up. For example, after specific festivals, a number of immersed statues return. The same can be said of activities happening close to the shoreline. On days when oil residue washes up on the shores, it is often accompanied by a huge amount of dead marine life.
My name is Dr Phil Doherty, and you may remember back in 2016 (issue 10.2) I introduced you to my fieldwork studying the movements of basking sharks in UK waters. Since then I have moved onto some new research, applying similar techniques to a new species.
In the summer of 2014, I completed my final field season working with the basking sharks, waving goodbye as they swam away carrying the latest in designer satellite tag accessories. Since then, the tags have detached themselves, and once collected, they revealed some amazing things about these mysterious creatures, and the journeys the make. Some sharks decided not to go very far from where we tagged them, remaining within 200 nautical miles from the UK coastline. In contrast, others decided to head off on an adventure, with some sharks travelling as far as North Africa and reaching depths over of 1 km along the way! This type of information is critical in trying to decide on ways of protecting species of conservation concern and can help inform where to put protected areas.
Even though I would love to have worked on basking sharks forever, all projects must come to an end. As a researcher at the start of my career, I will need to change between projects several times, to get the broad range of experience required to become the best scientist I can be. So for my next adventure, I’m working with a UK charity called the Marine Conservation Society, analysing satellite tracking data for green turtles in the Caribbean. You may see a trend here – this is similar to my work with the sharks. I am now using what I learnt in my early work to provide new information on a completely different species, again in the hope of identifying effective conservation measures. This work is similar to the basking shark project in various ways.
We are hoping to find out where these animals go when this happens and the reasons behind why they are going there. For example, perhaps they are looking for new areas to find food. This work will again look at current legal protection and try to foster multi-national cooperation in conserving this species, which unfortunately often gets caught by mistake in fishing gear. Even though we are using similar technology and techniques, the turtles have a very different range of behaviours and ecological requirements to basking sharks. For example, turtles need to breathe air and so frequently have to surface, whereas basking sharks have no need to surface to breathe, but are often seen at the surface, where they feed on summer plankton blooms. It is these differences that are so interesting, and so important to understand if we are to find the most appropriate conservation strategies.
Nerin– whose name means ‘someone from the sea’ – was a turtle who lived in the open ocean. Her big flippers and smooth shell meant she could glide effortlessly through the water. This was a very good thing because she sometimes had to travel thousands of miles in search of her favourite food, jellyfish.
One day she came across a whole swarm of jellyfish, bobbing about in the water.
‘Yippee!’ She cried. ‘I’m so hungry I could eat them all!’ Nerin rushed towards them and started hoovering them up like jelly off a plate. In her haste, Nerin didn’t notice that one of the floating white blobs wasn’t a jellyfish at all but a plastic shopping bag, the kind you see at the supermarket. Someone must have dropped it in the sea by mistake. But it was too late; Nerin had already slurped it up with the rest of the jellies.
‘Oh dear’, she groaned, ‘that last one didn’t taste very nice.’ Perhaps I’ve had enough for one day’. So off she swam to take a nap at the surface of the water where she knew the warmth of the sunshine would help her dinner go down.
A little while later Nerin began to feel unwell. Her tummy ached and she still felt very full. ‘Hmmm…maybe I ate more than I thought’, she pondered. ‘I must stop being so greedy.’
Over time she began to feel more and more poorly. She couldn’t eat and she was finding it difficult to swim. One day a big storm came. She was so weak from not eating that her flippers weren’t strong enough to fight the swirling waves. Eventually, after drifting for a long time, she found herself somewhere very unfamiliar. She could hear the sea but couldn’t feel it. Instead, she felt the rough sand on her flippers and a gentle breeze on her face. When she opened her eyes she realised where she was. On land! Without the water to support it, her body felt heavy. She tried to move her tired fl ippers but she was just too weak.
‘What am I going to do?’, she thought. ‘If I stay out here I’ll bake in the sun!’
All of a sudden she heard a noise. It was a sort of snuffling that got louder as if whatever was making it was moving closer.
Then she heard, ‘BARK! BARK! BARK!’ To read the rest of Nerin’s tale, head to https://issuu.com/universityofexeter/docs/turtleplasticjellyfish
I was crawling around the mangroves, very proud of my new shell.
You see, my older one was now a little too small. I did love it. It was perfect when I found it, but I had outgrown this shell I called home. It was time to abandon it for one that was larger and would give me some space to grow. Finding this new shell was much harder. I had to compete with a whole group of other hermit crabs that were about the same size as me. This meant that we were all looking for similar-sized shells.
When we find a shell that fits us right, the ends of our soft bodies can curl into the spiral of the abandoned shell. We use the end of our body to hold tight to the inside of our new home – a home that keeps us safe from deadly predators.
One day, not so long ago, while on a quest for my new home, I came across a shell that I had never seen before. It was red, a great bright red! Such a pretty colour it was. And it was just the right size!
It did fit a little strangely, and no one else seemed to want it, but I was so enamoured by the colour that I decided to ignore the fit.
Soon after I started strutting around and showing off my new shell, I spotted a mud crab, stealthily walking towards me.
Mud crabs, I knew, eat my kind. Now ordinarily I would have crawled back into my shell so that only my hard legs would be exposed and my own soft body protected. But this strange, new, but the very pretty home wouldn’t let me do so!
An explosion on the offshore drilling rig Deepwater Horizon in the Gulf of Mexico in 2016 resulted in an oil spill and clean-up operation of unprecedented size and effort. Most research after the disaster focused on the environmental fate and impact of the oil and chemical dispersants. Studies found few health effects in marine wildlife that were linked to chemicals such as PAHs (polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons) after the spill, possibly because of their continuous exposure to the large amount of oil that seeps from natural reserves under the seafloor has made them resilient to such chemicals.
However, the effect of exposure to metals in crude oil on the health of marine animals was an overlooked aspect of this disaster, so between 2010 and 2012, Dr. John Pierce Wise Jr, University of Louisville, and colleagues collected skin and blubber biopsies from sperm whales, short-finned pilot whales, and Bryde’s whales that reside in the Gulf of Mexico. They found that whales were likely to have been exposed to metals during the oil spill, resulting in concentrations higher than known averages worldwide and that most exposure probably occurred when whales inhaled metals that were released when spilled oil was burned during clean-up operations.
These metals are known to be genotoxic, and therefore can potentially change the genetic information in cells and lead to cancers. The metal concentrations in the whales’ tissue samples decreased during the study between 2010 and 2012 but there may be ongoing health effects, and longer-term research is required to better understand the toxic legacy of the Deepwater Horizon disaster for marine wildlife.
Reference
John Pierce Wise Jr et al. 2018. A three year study of heavy metals in skin biopsies of whales in the Gulf of Mexico after the Deepwater Horizon oil crisis. Comparative Biochemistry and Physiology, Part C 205:15-25.
‘Inniku high heels curry saapadlaam!’ (Let’s eat high heels curry today!) exclaimed one man, and the others laughed aloud in agreement. These fishermen at Marina Beach had just brought their catch in, the choppy sea didn’t make towing the boat up the beach easy. They began to pull the et apart – a mud crab first, then a little skate, and then came this lone sandal. A comic relief for the onlookers, but a regular annoying moment for the fishermen.
This is what happens to garbage, it simply ends up in the sea. All along the coast, I kept photographing nets that had been pulled up by fishermen, and irrespective of the place and the quantity of fish, the one constant presence in all nets and on all beaches was garbage.
I’m seven. I’m spending the vacations with my grandparents in a little peri-urban village that will soon be digested within the messy innards of Bombay.
The village is my landscape of summer dreaming. Outside the garden gate, down past the dirt track that leads to the asphalt road, there is an open storm drain. It collects wastewater and sewage, swilling together the private leavings of the nearby houses. It flows past our little lane but connects to a larger drain on the main street, which is connected yet again to other tributaries in a dizzying network that pours untreated waste into the ragged mangrove patches near Versova, finally trickling into the Arabian Sea. It ebbs and flows with a rhythm that links the daily ablutions of the village with the rain and the tidal cycles of the Indian Ocean. Some days, for reasons my seven-year-old mind cannot fathom, it is less of a flow and becomes a thick slurry, bubbling and burping ever so slowly, an enticing, glistening black. At other times it is a clear sap soup, getting clearer each time it rains. When grease from the kitchens pours in through the drains, an oily rainbow flits on its surface and I can play with it, disturbing the vibgyor with a stick, watching it form again lower downstream. Mostly though, the stream is a dark, slightly viscous indigo.In the neighbourhood, it is called the Gutter.
The Gutter is the subject of folklore in the village. Of lost treasures big and small – four anna coins and engagements rings. Of late-night drunken stumbling and mucky ankles. Of the sad village idiot called Gutter-Bamboo, who spends his day poking about it with a pole for anything he can find. For me, the Gutter is a place of endless fascination. Each morning, I rush out the lane to check on the progress of the stream, make a mental note of its colour, its texture, any subtle change in odour.
My dad has bought me a book called ‘Origami for Beginners’. Tearing out pages from my double-line notebook, I follow the instructions. Square folds, mountain folds, unfolds – and I have my first origami boat. A trifle wonky, but I’m proud of my craft. I rush down to the gutter to float it. It is glorious in the stream – wafting on an ebony river, down to where it meets the larger tributary. Buoyed by this success, I grow in my naval ambitions. I spend the rest of the morning building an entire armada with boats of different sizes. I make small triangular flags for the larger ones, borrowing a few sticks from grandma’s broom for the masts. The tinier craft requires more skill I realise, but my fingers are small and deft. I colour these little ones with felt pens in bright primaries.
By evening I have an entire fleet, including a large flagship made with a piece of chart. It has a proud mast, portholes, and, in an inspired touch, a forward cannon, made with leftover bits of paper. I sleep the sleep of a master shipwright, pleased with his craftsmanship. It rains all night and the gutter is in spate. Still, by 11 am, the floods have calmed a bit and I am ready with my fleet. One by one I launch the ships…all 17 of them, from flagship to little skiffs. They start off in a proud orderly convoy, but quickly bunch together in the centre of the stream. At the confluence, I watch the messy flotilla get taken over by a more furious flow. A few of the small skiffs overturn and sink, but the hardiest rough the waters into the distance. I’m not allowed to venture far down the main street so I watch as my brave fleet floats and bobs its way to grand adventures out toward the ocean.
I’m older now. On a small island in the snapping jaws of the Gulf of Kutch.
I’ve been here several months, and I’ve made it my home. “Are you coming?” asks Dadi. “Yes, I’ll be right there”, I say. Dadi and Dada are my adopted family on the island, and I’m helping Dadi in her daily beachcombing. Every day, the tide goes out for several kilometers. Then swarms back to shore with the force of a river, bringing with it a scattering of debris. Every evening Dadi and I walk around the beach, picking up bottles and putting them in a large gunnysack. I try to imagine how a modern-day Crusoe would construct the world from all the stuff that floated to his castaway island. Urgent empty missives delivered in a torrent of Pepsi and Bisleri bottles. Our beachcombing is not a cleanup exercise. It is a gathering expedition, a way to gain a small supplementary income. On the mainland, Dadi gets 25 paisa for every undamaged bottle she finds, more, if it has the cap on. Within a fortnight of collecting, we have enough for several hundred rupees.
Dadi has spotted something in the distance, near the lighthouse. We rush to see what it is. A small wooden crate likely dropped from a passing ship. It’s been floating for a while because it has algae and a few bright barnacles growing on it. I drag it to the Porta Cabin and, between Dada and I, we break it open. It’s a 12-pack of pear juice, not yet past its date of expiry. We are ecstatic. We tear into one and taste it, gingerly at first but then with greedy gulps. It is delicious. We have no refrigerator, but there’s a spot beneath the mangrove where it’s always cool. For four days we feast on the best pear juice known to man. There’s treasure everywhere.
I’m older still. We are diving off Kiltan atoll in the northern Arabian Sea, trying to take stock of the reefs after the last massive El Niño event.
The coral itself is struggling, but for the most part, the fish don’t seem to care. There’s bustle everywhere as the fish wander through their metropolis. Skulking in ambush among the boulders, busily scraping the turf, getting parasites removed at cleaning stations, angrily shooing away territorial invaders. They barely mind us, gawky camera-toting tourists. The reefs of this archipelago are climate-weary after repeated battering, but at least on this reef, things are not so bad. We are in expedition mode so we have to work efficiently. Everyone knows their job – who lays the transect, who takes the benthic pictures, who counts the fish.
Transect three. Something dark and ominous against the blue. We all spot it together and our eyes widen. A gigantic fishing net has drifted in from the deep and is trapped on the reef. It has caught on the coral at around 15 m and rises all the way to the surface. It sways gently in the swell like a single incongruous and impossibly-large kelp, reaching to the sun. It has reaped a rich bounty in its journey to the reef. Snappers, jacks, a few fusiliers, a massive tree trunk, fronds of coconut, all bound together in its gills. We abandon our transects. Despite ourselves, we are drawn to it, unable to take our eyes of its sheer majesty. We spend the rest of the dive circling the net along with schools of batfish, inquisitive unicornfish, triggers, and a host of other worshipers.
With a totem of this power, all you can do is pay quiet homage, and marvel at its extravagant, wasteful beauty.
I’m travelling on the Ganga in Bihar. The river is a clayey green and there’s debris everywhere. The Ghats are densely concentrated with plastic and micropackaging. Walking to the river’s edge, we must navigate the garbage and ritual offerings strewn along its banks. It has all the floral colours of spring, only brighter and more arbitrary. I’m sitting now on a little boat in the middle of the stream, quiet and happy. The gutka packets on the shore glisten gaily in the morning sun. I imagine the river goddess, vain, proud, self-aware in her own dramatic beauty. She is picking carefully through her vast jewelry case of intricate debris, lining her tresses with gaudy glitter, smiling at her reflection, clearly pleased with the result. A large bloated buffalo wanders past our boat. It has been dead for a while, and it floats content in its gentle passage. A river dolphin surfaces, snorts, and disappears. A bucolic idyll.
I have my notebook in my hand and something inside me wants to tear a page, make an origami boat, and float it down the river.
But I’m not seven anymore, so I don’t do anything of the sort.
In my imagining though, my little boat navigates its way around the dead buffalo, past the Farrakka Barrage, through the crocodile-filled waters of the Sundarbans, into the raging Bay of Bengal to find its home eventually among the eddies of some undiscovered garbage patch in the Indian Ocean where all paper boats, Pepsi bottles, phantom nets, gutka packets, and dead buffaloes eventually land up, along with the rich histories that brought them there, swirling together.
Before the dawn of plastic, fishing nets were made from natural materials such as cotton or coconut. These days plastic nets have replaced most types of natural materials because they are lighter, stronger, and cheaper to produce. Plastic is impervious to biodegradation and remains unchanged for decades. As a result, abandoned, lost, or discarded fishing gear, commonly referred to as ghost gear, is clogging the marine environment at an alarming rate. It is estimated that around 640,000 tons of ghost gear are produced every single year, but this amount is likely a gross underestimation of the true quantity entering our waterways today.
The reasons for ghost gear production are varied and include, for example, accidental loss, operational damage, or gear conflicts. However, illegal, unreported, or unregulated (IUU) fishing may increase the chance of intentional gear loss due to gear abandonment and a lack of port side disposal by IUU vessels.
What is Ghost Fishing
Ghost nets follow one of two journeys, either they drift on the surface following oceanic currents and winds to eventually end up littering beaches or locked in ocean gyres, or they sink to the seafloor. In both scenarios, they continue to entangle animals in a process known as ghost fishing. Ghost fishing is insidious, cryptic, and occurs across national boundaries which creates the perfect recipe for a difficult issue to address. The exact number of animals that become victims of ghost gear through entanglement or ingestion is unknown, but a recent expert survey highlighted that marine debris in the form of ghost gear is widely recognised as a major source of mortality for marine organisms.
Ghost gear not only causes mortality through entanglement or ingestion but can smother sensitive habitats such as coral reefs. Furthermore, the transient nature of floating ghost gear makes it the perfect object for hitchhikers. For example, microplastics have been shown to harbour a wide variety of bacterial and microbial communities. Therefore, it is not a stretch of the imagination to assume invasive communities could colonise ghost gear and introduce disease to local fauna.
Does ghost gear impact fisher livelihoods?
Ghost gear carries with it a socioeconomic impact that is difficult to measure. Quantifying the financial burden of ghost fishing is challenging but research suggests that it could be severe in some cases. Ghost fishing can undermine best practices when managing stocks and are usually not included when analysing bycatch rates. Ghost fishing not only impacts fish population but can put a financial burden on fishers due to gear replacement and loss of catch due to ghost fishing.
What can we do to help?
A common tendency is to think that the problem of ghost gear and associated ghost fishing is so big that nothing we do as individuals will help reduce or even stop the issue. However, as consumers, we can dictate how seafood is caught and how much we catch. To start we must not be afraid to ask questions about where our seafood comes from and how it is caught. Restaurants, supermarkets, and local fishers must be held accountable for the seafood they sell. We can also reduce our consumption of seafood in general if we are in the position to do so and this will help lower the global demand for seafood products and will help reduce many problems associated with overfishing but also ghost gear production.
A worrying trend that is often seen on social media platforms is the demonization of small coastal fishing communities and their role in the ghost gear problem. In reality, the people most impacted by ghost gear are exactly these communities and therefore we must work towards providing alternative livelihoods and education in these areas. This is particularly important before policies or legislation are implemented to ensure local laws are followed and fishers do not end up losing out.
The Olive Ridley Project
The olive ridley project (ORP) is a registered charity that works towards protecting sea turtles and combatting the issue of ghost gear in the Indian Ocean. The project was set up due to the alarming number of olive ridley sea turtles found entangled in ghost nets in the Maldivian archipelago. In response to this ORP developed a fully equipped turtle rescue centre run by sea turtle vets which is the only one of its kind in the Maldives. The project also works with small-scale fishing communities to help improve livelihoods and reduce ghost gear production. For example, work within a small fishing community of Abdul Rehmangoth, Pakistan has resulted in the clean-up of over 3 tons of ghost gear from local fishing grounds and turtle nesting beaches. After many educational workshops and discussions this local community use ghost gear to make bracelets which brings in an alternative income to the fishing community. ORP also provides educational presentations and learning experiences about the dangers of ghost gear to sea turtles to local schools in the Maldives and the wider Indian Ocean.
Mithapur is a coastal town situated in Gujarat, known for the salt plant in its town more than its beaches. In fact, the place derives its name from ‘mitha’, the Gujrati word for salt. Mithapur is also referred to as the birthplace of Tata Chemicals, which took over Okha Salt works in 1939 and is today the second-largest soda ash producing company in the country.
If you happen to walk around the Mithapur and Padli villages, you cannot miss this massive factory. You will also see an open channel arising from the factory, going to the Gulf of Kutch. The channel carries industrial wastewater, including chemicals like sulphur, chlorine, and ammonium nitride. Over the years, people say that water from this channel has seeped into the ground and affected groundwater, nearby agricultural fields, and grazing lands. They also say that due to the contamination of groundwater, there are no sources of water left for them and their cattle.
Back in December 2016, when people learnt that some of these impacts could be mitigated, they filed complaints before the Gujarat Pollution Control Board (GPCB). The GPCB took note of this and issued a show-cause notice to the company after 4 months. The GPCB also directed the company to concrete over the channel along with several other directions to ensure no further seepage of wastewater into the ground. But there was no visible change in Mithapur. The people complained again to the GPCB, following which a site visit was conducted by the GPCB. Similar was given again to the company by the GPCB. There is however still no compliance, and the effluents flow through the open channel as usual.
Transferring pollution from land to sea The people of Mithapur are now facing a dilemma. While compliance with the directions given by GPCB is being awaited, an announcement was made by the GPCB about a proposal to build a deep-sea pipeline for Tata Chemicals. An underground pipeline of 2.5 kilometres long and 45 metres wide, is proposed to be laid down, to take all the wastewater from Tata Chemicals directly into the Gulf of Kutch. The standards required for discharge onto the sea are also said to be lower as compared to inland water.
Now here is the problem. This pipeline will pass through mangroves, the Marine National Park (MNP), and will end a few meters beyond the Ecologically Sensitive Zone in the area. Established in 1982, the Gulf of Kutch MNP was the first of the 13 MNPs in India. It is home to various species of fish, corals, mangroves, octopuses and supports several marine mammals like dugongs, dolphins, and porpoises. At the same time, the Gulf of Kutch is also a source of livelihood for the fisherfolk in the area. The fishers feel that the pipeline will pose a threat to their movement since navigating in those areas will be restricted. The Environment Impact Assessment study conducted for laying the pipeline in Mithapur did not even mention the issue of access of the fisherfolk to these areas. The proposal is currently being examined by the Expert Appraisal Committee of the Environment Ministry.
Harishbhai, who is one of the complainants affected by the open channel says, “The pipeline will be a short-term solution which will solve the problem of land getting polluted, which has been happening for around 40 years now. In the longer run, it will be better to concrete the channel. The company will probably not agree to it, as they will have to stop operations for a few months. Only then can the discharge be stopped and concreting can happen.”
This story shows how governments allow for impacts to be displaced from one place to another without addressing the reasons the problem occurred in the first place. The solution of a deep-sea pipeline merely shifts the point of discharge; it does not in any way ensure better compliance by the companies or monitoring by the concerned authorities. Tata Chemicals is just one among many companies that have proposed to or laid down a deep-sea pipeline along the coastline of Gujarat. There is no publicly available information on how many such pipelines are in the pipeline in India.
A problem across the Gujarat coast The western Indian state of Gujarat has the largest coastline in India of around 1600 km and diverse marine ecology. It has the first marine national park and sanctuary in the country that extends from the Kutch district to the Devbhumi district. This is known for its rich mangrove forests, coral reefs and is a hub for near-threatened species of birds. Gujarat also contributes to 20 percent of the nation’s fisheries production and has more than a thousand fishing villages.
The large coastline has also resulted in an influx of activities around these coastlines, making it a hub for import and export and large-scale processing units. The 1960s saw a large number of industries being set up under the Gujarat Industrial Development Act, 1962. While the Gujarat economic model has been discussed by various actors − politicians, academicians, media and the public − the pollution crisis that Gujarat has been facing has not featured in these debates.
The pollution crisis has been acknowledged over the years through various orders from the judiciary as well as academic and newspaper reports. In 2009, the Central Pollution Control Board studied the pollution levels in 88 identified industrial clusters in the country. Based on the pollution levels, 43 such clusters were identified as critically polluted areas. Six of these 43 clusters are located in Gujarat, with Vapi and Ankleshwar topping the overall list. Rivers like Amalkhadi in Ankleshwar and Khari and Sabarmati in Ahmedabad were declared unfit for domestic uses in 2012. In 2018, the MOEF&CC recognized 20 rivers in Gujarat as polluted.
History of deep-sea pipelines as a solution We have observed that this is not the first time deep-sea pipelines were proposed to tackle land-based pollution. For example, in 2009, when Vapi was recognized as one of the most critically polluted industrial clusters in the country, an action plan was made to reduce pollution. One of the points of action was the laying of a deep-sea pipeline. Currently, treated effluents from Gujarat Industries Development Corporation(GIDC) are disposed off into the Damanganga river, impacting the livelihoods of fisherfolk. Another instance is when in 1999, following a Gujarat high court order that disallowed releasing untreated industrial effluents into Amalkhadi river, a proposal was made to lay a deep-sea pipeline in Sarigam. The deep-sea pipeline in Sarigam however has not resulted in resolving the problem. There have been several news reports of fish mortality in these areas due to untreated effluents released into the seas. Residents have also complained that it has resulted in their health being affected. A detailed investigation of the impacts of already existing deep-sea pipelines needs to be assessed. There have also been instances of leakage in pipelines in some areas where such pipelines have been installed.
An Environmental Justice Issue: Displacing the impact Environmental pollution problems often result in solutions where the burden is merely shifted whilst the pollution remains the same. Laying deep-sea pipelines as a response to complaints against rising pollution raises more questions than answers. What are the impacts that arise out of laying and maintaining a deep-sea pipeline? Is the pollution load being reduced or the burden being shifted?
Without having robust measures in place to ensure compliance, measures such as deep-sea pipelines will only result in displacing the pollution and shifting the impact. The shift needs to be accompanied by a structural change in how the problem of discharging untreated effluents is addressed in the first place. There needs to be more robust monitoring mechanisms and punitive measures. The basic issue of non-compliance and the impacts that arise are not dealt with. When the industries, as well as the authorities, have failed to demonstrate compliance to existing protocols, the question remains as to why there has been a shift in the dumping ground. The pipes will just become longer, but has anything else changed?
Marine pollution has grown dramatically since the introduction of single-use plastic into society, as a response to rapidly growing consumer demand for cheap and accessible plastic-based products. Plastics have become a symbol of the negative social, economic, and, most significantly, ecological impact human development has had on the planet. Several anthropologists and historians have begun to refer to this period of human history as the ‘Plastic Age’.
Negative economic impacts are seen in the industries of tourism and fishing, as a result of the degradation of local ecosystems. Adverse impacts are not solely confined to the economy: approximately 50 marine species are reported to ingest plastics. However, more are affected as these species enter the food chain and plastics accumulate in other species. Furthermore, recent scientific studies have suggested that consumption of foods with exposure to toxic waste products may lead to cancer, long-term health problems, and birth defects. The extent of such risks is an ongoing debate; whilst negative effects on marine life are acknowledged, governments and policies should not wait for further environmental degradation and greater economic loss before justifying against the risk of human and ocean health impacts.
Plastics are the most widespread, commonly found, and significant marine debris. A great proportion of single-use, disposable plastic – such as food packaging and plastic bottles – ends up dumped in the ocean due to the lack of enforced waste collection and management, especially in emerging markets such as India and China. Industrial waste is also a major source of plastic pollution. 80% of marine debris comes from land-based sources, whilst shipping and fishing industries are largely responsible for the rest. Plastics frequently contain toxic chemical additives, which can be released as plastics are broken down into microplastics. Since microplastics are consumed by small marine animals and thus make their way up the food chain, the chemicals may be harmful to marine life and could pose risks to marine ecosystems according to a recent study. Many communities rely on the ocean for their livelihood and quality of life; plastic pollution can undermine this. A study by Ghent University highlights that people who consume seafood on a regular basis ingest approximately 11,000 particles of microplastics annually. Microplastics are defined as small plastic pieces less than five millimetres long. Unless action is taken, this number will keep rising as the level of plastic pollution found in the ocean is expected to treble from 2015-2025.
The highest amounts of marine debris are improperly disposed of as food containers, packaging, and plastic bags. Therefore, any solution to marine plastic pollution must address the pressing issue of the usage and disposal of such plastics. Much of the plastic packaging used for food and drink is unnecessary and can be reduced by shifting towards innovative materials and reusable containers. A total of 480 billion single-use plastic drinking bottles were purchased in 2016, most of which could be replaced by reusable glasses or water bottles, as well as implementing refilling drinking water stations in designated commercial and public spaces. Measures to reduce plastic usage have had significant success, especially when the relevant governmental institutions back them. A government scheme in the UK that introduced a 5p charge for plastic shopping bags reduced usage by 83% in the first year.
New targets to reduce consumption include taking action on plastic straws, which are also a major source of marine pollution. Fast-food chain Starbucks has launched a campaign to eliminate the availability of plastic straws in their facilities across the globe by 2020. The ways individuals shop for and consume food can be modified to reduce or eliminate disposable food packaging. One example of this is shops where consumers bring their own reusable containers to fill with groceries and personal hygiene products. Demand for zero-waste packaging products has led to a rise in grocery stores providing consumers an alternative to plastics, as seen in London’s Bulk Market, Il Gusto, and Field Fare.
These examples suggest that a combination of individual, corporate, and governmental action can be highly effective in reducing the use of single-use plastics in our daily habits. Finally, we need to reduce the volume of pollution leaked into the ocean. In order to facilitate such action, it is essential to bring various stakeholders and people with different forms of influence together. The issue of plastics is so broad that we need everyone to work in tandem. The Klosters Forum aims to do this and will be focusing from 2018-2019 on the issue of ocean pollution with a focus on plastics.
Beyond reducing usage, strict measures must be taken to ensure that, after a product’s single-use and disposal, it does not make its way into the ocean. Ships and industrial enterprises dump plastic in the ocean as a cheaper alternative to safer methods of waste disposal: stricter penalties and regulations for companies and ship operators could be preventative and may encourage behavioral change. Incorrect waste management leads to the leaking of plastic waste that is blown off by winds from rubbish trucks and landfills. Solutions could include requiring a rethink of landfill covering, and an improvement in the design and operation of rubbish trucks in order to secure the disposal of waste products at the end of their life cycle. Making a “life cycle” truly circular rather than linear would however be the optimal solution.
In many coastal cities in the global South, informal settlements are spreading, often located along waterfronts, which have little or no rubbish-collection infrastructure. Inadequate formal management, a fast-paced, growing population, and a, frequent, lack of alternatives to single-use plastics for essential items mean that the local capacity to manage waste is stretched to its limit. Smart urban planning and investment in infrastructure and waste-management services could significantly reduce the amount of plastic pollution found in waterways.
Several schemes have been proposed to remove plastic pollution and other debris from oceans, however, these are yet to be proven as viable long-term and large-scale solutions. Whilst removal of plastic from the ocean is necessary, it does not address the root of the problem: the large quantities of plastics flowing into the ocean.
It is essential to stop plastic from entering the ocean: this can be done in various ways. Changing how people use and dispose of it and reducing its prolific use through policies to encourage this behavioural change which includes the imposition of taxes, charges, and regulations. Further steps should be taken to ensure that plastic, once thrown away, does not make its way into the ocean. Innovative technologies for alternative materials and delivery systems ought to be developed. Fundamentally, however, using an indestructible material for fleeting uses needs to be radically reconsidered: a good start would be to reduce the use of avoidable single-use plastics and to eliminate the use of unnecessary single-use plastics, and find ways to make global economies truly circular.
Further reading Van Cauwenberghe, L. and C.R. Janssen. 2014. Microplastics in bivalves cultured for human consumption. Environmental Pollution 193: 65-70.
Gallo, F., C. Fossi., R. Weber, D. Santillo, J. Sousa, I. Ingram, A. Nadal and D. Romano. 2018. Marine litter plastics and microplastics and their toxic chemicals components: the need for urgent preventive measures. Environmental Sciences Europe 30: 13.
The problem with plastic The explosion of plastic production in the 1950s could arguably be noted as one of the most pivotal moments in our recent history, revolutionising the way we eat, drink, shop, travel, and treat illness. It is a modern-day wonder material that saves lives, food, and money and has brought great benefits to our society. Yet, this incredible resource is both a blessing and a curse. The durability and affordability of plastic are key reasons for its popularity, but mismanagement and irresponsible use have resulted in what can only be described as an environmental time bomb. Cheap plastic items can be thrown away after only one or two uses that may last just a few minutes or even seconds. But where plastic is disposed of can vary greatly. Globally, only 9% of plastic is recycled and the rest (91%) may end up in landfills or, in many cases, our oceans, beaches, rivers, and lakes. It is estimated that 8 million metric tons of plastic enter the oceans every year. Compounding this, plastic does not biodegrade and persists within the natural environment for an indefinable amount of time. This means that the problem of pollution will only grow and accumulate if plastic input is not halted. Unfortunately, it’s not just about the plastic that we can see. At the sea surface and on beaches, wave action and ultra-violet radiation from the sun causes the plastic to fragment into smaller and smaller pieces, resulting in microplastics (less than 5 mm in size). These tiny and colourful pieces can be ingested by a plethora of marine organisms, from the microscopic, such as zooplankton at the base of the food chain, to the massive, such as filter-feeding baleen whales.
Why sea turtles? The impact of plastic pollution on sea turtles is of particular concern. Turtles are highly mobile, travelling huge distances between foraging and breeding areas and they use both terrestrial and oceanic environments. Already under increasing pressure from a range of human stressors, including climate change, by-catch, and habitat destruction, these charismatic animals are undergoing a three-pronged attack from plastic in the form of ingestion, entanglement, and habitat degradation.
Impact #1 – Ingestion
All seven sea turtle species and approximately 52% of all individuals are estimated to have ingested debris. Ingestion may occur for a number of reasons. Firstly, turtles are primarily visual feeders and may mistake anthropogenic items, for example, plastic bags, balloons, and sheet plastic, for food due to the visual similarity to prey, such as jellyfish. Secondly, plastic may become mixed up with the turtles natural dietary items. Grazers, like the herbivorous green turtle (Chelonia mydas), consume plastic pieces that have become entangled on the seagrass fronds they feed upon. Thirdly, carnivorous turtles, e.g. loggerheads (Caretta caretta), may ingest microplastics via their crustacean and mollusc prey, a process known as a trophic transfer. This is when microplastics are consumed by animals near the base of the food chain which is in turn, eaten by predators.
Macroplastics (more than 5mm in size) are particularly hazardous for sea turtles when ingested. Downward-facing spikes in their oesophagus, called papillae, help them swallow slippery prey while expelling seawater. This trait, however, did not evolve with plastic in mind and the papillae actually prevent plastic from being regurgitated. Instead, it enters the digestive tract where it can cause injuries, such as internal lacerations and punctures, or blockages. It can also make the turtle feel full and weaken the desire to feed, leading to malnutrition and eventually, starvation. Additionally, sea turtle buoyancy disorders, commonly referred to as “bubble butts,” are a growing issue. This condition is often caused by gas trapped inside the turtle’s digestive system. Disruption to digestive processes caused by marine debris is believed to be the reason for many of these cases. Sea turtles that cannot properly submerge will have trouble feeding and become more vulnerable to boat strikes, predation, and entanglements.
The consequences of microplastic ingestion for turtles are as yet poorly understood. When consumed by marine invertebrates, such as worms and zooplankton, they have been shown to reduce food intake, cause a decline in energy reserves, lower their ability to reproduce, and cause detrimental changes to the way their intestines function. For larger animals, such as turtles and marine mammals, any effects of microplastic ingestion are more likely to originate from the chemicals on or within them than the microplastics themselves. Chemical contaminants present within seawater, such as heavy metals and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) which were used as flame retardants (and are now banned) among other things, are hydrophobic and so stick to plastic-like cooking oil sticks to the side of a washing-up bowl. These toxicants are known to cause cancer and disrupt hormonal systems. For their size, microplastics have a large surface area to volume ratio, meaning they can concentrate these chemicals. In addition, the plastic itself contains chemicals, called plasticisers, which are added during production. When plastic is ingested, this cocktail of chemicals is released and likely enters the tissue of the animal. We are still trying to work out what kind of effect this has on turtle health but it’s possible that it causes sub-lethal effects, such as lowered immune system function and reduced reproduction rates.
As it stands, we do not fully understand the scale of turtle mortality caused by plastic ingestion or the resulting potential population-level effects. It’s likely that the occurrence and consequences of ingestion varies with species, age class, and population due to their differing feeding ecologies and diet, as well as habitat use. For example, loggerhead turtles are at higher risk of consuming plastic due to their generalist feeding strategy, but a more robust digestive tract (in adults and sub-adults) enables foreign objects to be excreted. Hatchling and juvenile turtles are likely to be more vulnerable to encountering and becoming injured as a result of plastic ingestion due to three reasons. Firstly, six of the seven species of turtles undergo a period of time in the open ocean, called the lost years. After hatchlings enter the water for the first time, ocean currents often transport them away to highly productive areas, called oceanic convergence zones, where food, along with debris, is concentrated. This spatial overlap potentially creates an ecological trap for young turtles because it increases the likelihood of exposure to plastic. Secondly, their naivety may mean they are more likely to consume debris. As they learn to identify and select the best things to eat, young turtles will invariably encounter and potentially ingest plastic. Thirdly, young turtles, that are small in size, maybe at higher risk of mortality from plastic ingestion due to their smaller, less robust, digestive tracts. Of all life stages, the lost years are the least studied and the least understood in terms of the impacts of plastic ingestion. It is possible, however, that turtles in this age class are the most vulnerable.
Impact #2 – Entanglement
In the ocean, sea turtles are susceptible to becoming entangled in floating plastics, since they tend to use oceanic fronts, currents, and drift lines where floating rubbish and debris are concentrated. Entanglement may lead to injury, amputation, or choking which may ultimately cause drowning or death by starvation. Lost or discarded fishing gear, known as “ghost gear”, has become a huge issue since the 1950s when the fishing industry replaced natural fibers, such as cotton, jute, and hemp, with synthetic plastic materials such as nylon, polyethylene, and polypropylene, which do not biodegrade in water. Turtles are also known to become entangled in a variety of other items, including plastic twine, six-pack rings, plastic packaging, plastic chairs, balloons and their string, sheet plastic, and boat mooring line. Hatchlings and juvenile sea turtles are particularly susceptible to becoming entangled as they may ‘set up home’ near floating debris, as it provides shelter, and can remain there for years. Based on beach stranding records, it is estimated that more than 1,000 turtles die a year globally after becoming entangled. However, large knowledge gaps exist about the severity of entanglement of sea turtles, since not all turtles that die from entanglement wash onshore as they decay at sea. Therefore, rates of entanglement are likely a gross underestimate. Nevertheless, a survey of sea turtle experts indicated that plastic and other pollution pose a long-term impact on the survival of some turtle populations and that they perceive entanglement as a greater threat to turtles than oil spills.
Impact #3 – Habitat degradation
Large quantities of plastic are also found in coastal areas, which are crucial for sea turtle reproduction; nesting females emerge onto land to lay their eggs, and after about two months, hatchlings emerge and make their way to the ocean. Plastic at nesting grounds can cause obstruction and entanglement to both nesting females and emerging hatchlings. Large pieces of plastic and debris may make it difficult for ascending turtles to lay their eggs, affecting nesting success and the overall reproductive output at a nesting beach. For emerging hatchlings, entanglement in or obstruction by debris can increase the likelihood of predation and dehydration, potentially leading to injury and mortality. Additionally, these tiny turtles will need all their energy when they enter the ocean and start the ‘swim frenzy’. This is a highly important stage where hatchlings swim continuously for a day or two until they reach offshore currents, which transport them away from land and out into the relatively safe open ocean. Any energy that gets wasted as a result of trying to get around, through or over obstacles and detangling could reduce their ability to run the gauntlet of predators waiting in the shallow water off the beach. Naturally, only approximately 1 in 1000 hatchling turtles will survive to adulthood but interactions with human debris at this early life stage could reduce this survival rate even further.
Plastic fragments, in particular microplastics, can also alter the specific conditions needed for beaches to provide a suitable nesting environment. As hatchling success and sex ratio is influenced by temperature, alterations to the incubating environment could negatively affect the development of hatchlings, the proportion of males to females produced, and mortality rates. Plastics, particularly those containing a dark pigment, warm up when exposed to heat, and their presence within the sand may increase the nest temperature, potentially leading to a higher proportion of female hatchlings being produced. This phenomenon has already been observed as a result of rising temperatures related to climate change, but plastic debris could exacerbate the issue. Nevertheless, research is still underway to determine what type and quantities of plastic would be required to alter the incubating environment and negatively impact sea turtle reproduction. Further, chemical additives found in plastic can also be transferred to the incubating environment potentially causing detrimental effects to the health of sea turtles.
Ocean Optimism
With so many negative impacts, it is easy for the problem of plastic pollution to seem so huge and widespread that the damage is irreparable. Yet, many of us working on the issue feel it is not too late. Indeed we are seeing a rise in the cases of sea turtles ingesting and getting entangled in plastic, but there has also been a rapidly growing grass-roots movement to tackle the issue from the bottom up. Pressure is building on businesses and governments to mitigate the waste created by unnecessary plastic packaging on food and other goods, and there has been a huge uptake in the number of individuals saying ‘No!’ to single-use disposable items, such as drinks bottles, cutlery, shopping bags, and drinking straws. The age-old mantra of ‘Reduce, Reuse, Recycle’ is one which many of us will be familiar with but perhaps forget to strive for the first, and most effective, the step of reducing our plastic consumption. There are now many alternatives to plastic products and making simple changes in our everyday lives, for example by using refillable water bottles, reusable cloth bags, and declining unnecessary plastic packaging can lead to a significant reduction in waste.
Ghost gear collection initiatives, such as Net-WorksTM, integrate business with conservation by enabling local people to earn an income collecting derelict fishing nets from the ocean and recycling them into products like carpets. This ‘circular economy’ approach is growing in popularity and gives cause for hope that plastic may one day be seen as a valuable resource, rather than something to be discarded. Cleaning up what has already entered the environment is another approach to tackle plastic pollution. Citizen-led beach cleans not only remove vast quantities of litter from our coastlines, but they have also been proven to improve ocean literacy, particularly in children, as well as lead to positive changes in behaviours and attitudes. As with any great environmental issue, it is important that people feel empowered to create change and contribute to the solution, not just the problem. The tangible nature of plastic pollution means that it is visible in our everyday lives and the public is easily connected to it. This has inspired many to become aware of the other threats faced by our oceans in such a way that plastic pollution has inadvertently become a catalyst for marine conservation.
With the tipping point looming, it is of great importance that we remain proactive in capitalising on this newfound awareness and continue gathering evidence, developing policies, pressuring governments, and designing innovative solutions. Above all, we must remain optimistic that the plastic tide can be turned.
Further Reading
Beckwith, V. K., & Fuentes, M. M. P. B. (2018). Microplastic at nesting grounds used by the northern Gulf of Mexico loggerhead recovery unit. Marine Pollution Bulletin, 131(January), 32–37. doi:10.1016/j.marpolbul.2018.04.001
Duncan, E. M., Botterell, Z. L. R., Broderick, A. C., Galloway, T. S., Lindeque, P. K., Nuno, A., & Godley, B. J. (2017). A global review of marine turtle entanglement in anthropogenic debris: A baseline for further action. Endangered Species Research, 34, 431–448. doi:10.3354/esr00865
Jambeck, J. R., Geyer, R., Wilcox, C., Siegler, T. R., Perryman, M., Andrady, A., … Law, K. L. (2015). Plastic waste inputs from land into the ocean. Science, 347(6223), 768–771. doi:10.1126/science.1260352 Nelms, S. E., Duncan, E. M., Broderick, A. C., Galloway, T. S., Godfrey, M. H., Hamann, M., … Godley, B. J. (2016). Plastic and marine turtles: a review and call for research. ICES Journal of Marine Science, 73(2), 165–181. doi:10.1093/icesjms/fsv165
Schuyler, Q. A., Wilcox, C., Townsend, K. A., Wedemeyer-Strombel, K. R., Balazs, G., van Sebille, E., & Hardesty, B. D. (2016). Risk analysis reveals global hotspots for marine debris ingestion by sea turtles. Global Change Biology, 22(2), 567–576. doi:10.1111/gcb.13078
Coral reefs are in the midst of global decline, resulting from anthropogenic perturbations of climate, nutrient cycles, and fisheries. Future projections of increasing sea surface temperatures alone yield dire predictions for coral reefs and the ecosystem services they provide. This issue is very relevant to the fringing and barrier reefs of the Indo-Pacific region that are home to ~600 species of scleratinian (hard) corals. Recent studies have shown that mean sea temperature is rising by ~0.5 °C every decade resulting in an alarming increase in rainfall events. The impact of this on marine biodiversity is stark and is being further accelerated by ever-increasing human impacts – for instance, reef tourism is currently estimated at ~US$36 billion every year with annual visitor numbers being equivalent to 70 million tourist trips. This has resulted in a disproportionate increase in untreated wastewater from hotels, and restaurants that is discharged into the ocean. Both nutrients and pathogens in wastewater fuel harmful algal blooms and exacerbate the prevalence and severity of disease, respectively. Sedimentation smothers and abrades benthic species, re-suspends nutrients and pathogens, and blocks recruitment. Aquaculture waste poses similar threats, adding nutrients, pathogens, parasites, and sediments. Human activities can also create disease vectors. For instance, plastic debris serves as a vector for pathogens and spreads coral disease.
This issue is especially relevant to one of the most densely populated cities on Earth, Hong Kong, where nearly 1000 Olympic-sized swimming pools equivalent to sewage get dumped into the ocean on a daily basis. Human impacts in Hong Kong date back to the Tang dynasty when the slaked lime industry thrived. Although this died following WWII, several coral communities were lost. The presence of abundant corals in the past to support a slaked lime industry suggests that the coastal waters were extremely hospitable to coral communities, with low sediment load and high water quality. In the 1980s and 1990s, rapid urbanisation through reclamation and dredging facilitated explosive economic development but with trailing wastewater treatment infrastructure. This resulted in a tragic loss of water quality and associated foundational species such as coral reefs and seagrass beds. Moreover, we now see a distinct gradient in water quality (total inorganic nitrogen concentrations) with low biodiversity in the west to high biodiversity in the east.
Yet, Hong Kong is home to more hard coral species than the Caribbean! In fact, the marine environment is home to some especially old coral colonies (~200 years old). So, what makes Hong Kong coral communities special? In the little time, I have spent in this city with a long-standing eutrophication problem, I have observed that Hong Kong’s seawaters are one of the most human-impacted environments on this planet and the coral communities have been naturally selected for only resilient genotypes owing to multiple environmental stressors. In the last few years, the coral biogeochemistry lab at the University of Hong Kong has been studying water quality impacts on marine biodiversity. They now believe that the marine environment has improved considerably for coral survivorship following several Government initiatives. In fact, Hong Kong is a recent signatory to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and is now implementing a biodiversity strategy and action plan (BSAP). However, coral recruitment continues to be negligible implying that without assisted management and restoration, … coral recruitment continues to be negligible implying that without assisted management and restoration, corals are unlikely to persist in this part of the world. corals are unlikely to persist in this part of the world. Is Hong Kong receiving coral larvae dispersed from its neighbours? Or are Hong Kong corals reproductively isolated? The former will require intervention that could be more aligned with the viewpoints of the Chinese government. The latter will require local protection and assisted restoration.
It is an important time for China and its neighbours to elevate public awareness and support for marine conservation specifically focusing on human activities such as reclamation and pollution. In fact, the region has seen positive shifts in mindset for the shark-fin trade and sustainable seafood campaign. After years of development, even the most pristine reefs around coastal cities are likely to transition into heavily turbid, patchy, and poor-recruitment driven, yet naturally selected and genotypic-resilient corals. With ~200 years of development, Hong Kong is a crystal ball through which we can witness the impacts of coastal development on coral reefs. Hence their name, urban reefs of the future.
My work on bats often takes me to faraway locations with exotic tropical vistas. On one such field trip, in June 09, 2013, I was exploring the Kuthumkal cave system, situated in Idukki district of Kerala, India. This extensive cave systemonce served as the roost for many thousands of the Indian fulvous fruit bats,Rousettus leschenaulti. Sadly, as of this day, only a few hundred individuals remain due to frequent cave vandalism and wanton slaughtering of bats for bushmeat consumption. Furthermore, this adds to significant littering in and around the caves. Previously, I had heard stories of bats being consumed by locals in the belief that it cures asthma.
Group of Indian fulvous bats (Rousettus leschenaultii) killed by vandals in the Kuthumkal cave, Idukki, Kerala
However, visiting the caves and witnessing these events and the aftermath for me was a truly harrowing experience. Their modus operandi was simple. A group of individuals would enter the cave and block potential bat escape routes with thorny acacia branches. Many of them were carrying country-made rifles using which they would shoot the roosting bats. I observed them consuming the bushmeat along with liquor (Fig. 1 and 2). I interacted with them and tried in vain to convince them to leave the bats alone. The horrible memories of this incident would be etched in my mind for years to come, filling me with disgust at the mere recollection.
Feeling utterly helpless, I finally found a ray of hope in a quaint corner of Tamil Nadu, where cave-dwelling bats are actively conserved by the locals because their spirituality is centred around the belief that bats are the messengers of the deity, Lord Muthaiyan, and hence sacred. Amongst visions of vandalized caves full of blood and dead bats, this ‘cave temple’ was a breath of fresh air. This cave-temple roost with ~3050 bats is located in the Hogenakkal forest. Devotees visit the cave temple and it appeared to me that neither the human presence nor religious practices like the burning of camphor and/or ringing of bells pose any disturbance to roosting bats (Fig. 3).
Location of killing and processing the bats for bushmeat consumption by vandals
The cave temple has existed for more than 90 years wherein humans have not just coexisted peacefully with the bats, but even protected them, as a consequence of their spiritual values. Communal roosts located at caves and mines seem to be the most vulnerable ecosystems as they are generally not covered under any the standard protected area networks. Anthropogenic activities have been reported as major factors affecting bat populations across the globe. Hence, the conservation of bats, which are significant pollinators and dispersers of fruiting trees, along with their roosting habitats is of critical importance. It is in fact likely that certain traditional beliefs and practices of worship can augment the conservation of bats and their roosting habitats. This exemplary cave temple of Hogenakkal may be regarded as a kind of sacred grove providing a safe haven for these rapidly disappearing flying mammals.
While much conservation attention focuses on the protection of remnant forest fragments, big and small, the truth is that widespread loss of tropical forests in the last century requires us to think about restoring habitats where possible and enriching the conservation value of mosaic landscapes. Forest restoration efforts are urgently needed to enhance and expand conservation efforts. Such efforts are believed to fit with the goals of biodiversity conservation, livelihoods as well as mitigating climate change, and are supported by instruments such as REDD+ and CDM (Clean Development Mechanism). As appealing as planting trees may be to all concerned, from conservationists to civil society, ensuring positive long-term ecological and social impacts of restoration remains a major challenge. In this collection, Robin Chazdon (Guest Editor) outlines the advances and challenges of large-scale forest restoration, examining theory, practice and policy, and their intersections.
Rhett Harrison examines the role of agroforestry in forest and landscape restoration, which has particular significance given the staggering scale of land degradation worldwide. This is followed by a series of case histories. Pedro Brancalion describes a restoration project in Brazil which supports local livelihoods and protects biodiversity, through promoting timber and non-timber forest products. Fangyuan Hua compares native forests and plantations in China, asking what the environmental dividends of restoration are. Gregorio, Herbohn and Pasa examine lessons learned from a community-based restoration project in the Philippines. And finally, Shankar Raman, Mudappa and Osuri share their experience of restoring rainforest fragments in the Western Ghats in India. Together, these articles paint a picture of how multiple approaches to forest restoration can enrich lives, conserve biodiversity and enhance landscape functions in tropical regions.
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Efforts to conserve wildlife or natural areas may be met with hostility from local communities, especially if access or livelihoods are reduced. Most projects consider the economic impact of their actions on local stakeholders, but cultural beliefs can have as strong an effect on local support for conservation and are often overlooked when designing projects.
Since 1996, a local conservation organisation on Lanyu Island, Taiwan, has monitored nesting sea turtles, moved threatened turtle nests to safer locations on the beach, and promoted ecotourism as an economic incentive for turtle conservation. However, their activities have not been supported by the local ethnic community and conservation staff have experienced overtly hostile reactions. To understand this response, Tzu-Ming Liu from the National Taichung University of Education in Taiwan conducted a study in 2017. Liu found that the Tao/Yami ethnic group consider sea turtle nesting beaches to be taboo areas due to their proximity to traditional graveyards. Moreover, since turtles nest on these taboo beaches, they are considered to be evil spirits. Since interactions with such areas and objects are forbidden, the actions of conservation staff are regarded as dangerous and disrespectful. When the conservation organisation tried to involve members of the ethnic community in ecotourism, it attracted people who disregarded both, cultural and conservation rules. Such tour guides ignored advice on how to behave around nesting turtles and often disturbed nesting turtles. As a result, ecotourism itself has become a threat to the sea turtles whereas local cultural taboos aided in the protection of nesting sea turtles and their eggs from the threat of poaching. However, conservation staff are concerned about other threats, such as coastal development, and believe there is a need to continue their activities.
The study concludes with the recommendation that investing more effort in communication between the conservation staff and ethnic community would help to increase understanding about each other’s perspectives. The study also suggests that direct interaction with the turtles, such as moving threatened nests, should occur only in extreme circumstances so as to respect local customs. Finally, as ecotourism in the area is creating further conflict, and is now a new threat to the turtles, the study suggests that it should be suspended and another economic incentive for local involvement in conservation should be considered.
Further Reading:
Tzu-Ming Liu. 2017. Unexpected threat from conservation to endangered species: Reflections from the front-line staff on sea turtle conservation.Journal of EnvironmentalPlanning and Management, 60:2255-2271.
Global trade and transport has brought with itself an exponential rise the in introduction of species to regions where they do not naturally occur (i.e., outside their native range). Those populations that manage to establish themselves in the new system and spread have been compared to military invasions of a new land, conferring upon them the tag of ‘biological invasions’. Such ‘invasive species’ can have a myriad of detrimental impact on the native species, by predation, competition and spreading diseases – a phenomenon widely recognized as a major threat to biodiversity.
Developing countries, which harbour a significant proportion of global biodiversity, lack in research and management of biological invasions. To effectively manage invasions, these countries must locate invading populations- rapidly, reliably, and at a large scale. Public surveys, banking on the observations of knowledgeable local inhabitants, can be used to generate such baselines. However, to account for potential species misidentification by the public, such information must be further ‘processed’ to ensure reliability. Using such an approach of including public survey information, we aimed to map the locations of three major human-associated invasive species on the Andaman archipelago – the Giant African snail, the House sparrow, and the Common myna.
We interviewed 855 farmers, plantation workers, and aqua-culturists in 91 villages on all major inhabited islands of the archipelago. We asked the respondents to confirm or deny the presence of these species in their village, aiding them with photographs and local names. Simultaneously, we carried out field observations of our own to detect these species at a subset of surveyed villages. We combined both types of data and analysed them using the recently developed false-positive occupancy models. The Giant African snail was most ubiquitous with 90% occupied sites, followed by the myna (60%) and the sparrow (34%). If we had ignored the possibility of misidentifications, we would have over-predicted the geographic range of all three species. This cost-effective method seems appropriate to simultaneously assess the status of multiple invasive species rapidly and reliably over large areas.
Further Reading
Mohanty NP, Sachin A, Selvaraj G, Vasudevan K (2018) Using public surveys to reliably and rapidly estimate the distributions of multiple invasive species. Biotropica 50(2):197–201 https://doi.org/10.1111/btp.12534
The fastest growing subsector of ecotourism is probably avitourism, or birdwatching. Birdwatchers are generally well-educated, conservation-minded, and committed to their hobby. Hence, birdwatchers provide an interesting case-study to fully understand how biodiversity is valued by the public. Further, there is scope to understand the positives and negatives birdwatchers may have in terms of conservation. We used a unique example of an appearance of a Black-backed Oriole – a bird endemic to Mexico – at a backyard bird feeder in rural Berks County, Pennsylvania, which was only the second time this species had been recorded as visiting the US. The homeowners, where the bird was visiting, kept a log-book which recorded where visitors travelled from, and this was the basis of our dataset.
We combined this dataset with surveys sent to birdwatchers through internet forums. The arrival of this bird caused more than 1,800 birdwatchers to go view it, with about 57% of the visitors travelling from within 100 km, and 3% travelling from > 1000 km. The bird stayed for 67 days, and we estimated this ecotourism event generated more than $3000 a day for the local and extended economy as a result of the travel, food, and accommodation costs of the avid tourists. This amounts to an economic boost of an estimated $US 223,851.
We showed that birdwatchers can highly value an individual vagrant bird and that there are tangible economic benefits from vagrant birdwatching events. Ultimately, all birds depend on their habitats and so the benefits to the economy from birdwatching need to be balanced against environmental threats that destroy their habitats, such as land clearing.
Further Reading:
Corey T. Callaghan, Michael Slater, Richard E. Major, Mark Morrison, John M. Martin & Richard T. Kingsford (2018) Travelling birds generate eco-travellers: The economic potential of vagrant birdwatching, Human Dimensions of Wildlife, 23:1, 71-82, DOI: 10.1080/10871209.2017.1392654
Research from Germany shows a shocking drop in flying insect numbers in protected areas. Flying insects are a huge group of animals that play many vital roles in natural ecosystems including pollination, nutrient cycling, and as prey for larger animals. Whilst the status of a few high-profile species has been studied in detail, often showing serious declines, there has been very little research on the group as a whole. Now data collected in Germany by the Entomological Society of Krefeld between 1989 and 2016 have revealed a startling reduction of over 75% in the total biomass (weight) of flying insects.
The research used a device called a ‘malaise trap’ – a tent with a funnelled top ending in a collection jar – to gather flying insects from April through to November. Traps were put in different types of the protected area and were moved each year (placed at 63 different sites in total). This avoided the risk of depleting local insect populations, and also enabled the collection of data from a range of locations. Environmental factors were also recorded including wind speed, temperature, habitat type, and nearby land use.
The results were dramatic, with a decline in biomass of 76% over the whole year, and the highest levels, around midsummer, falling by 81%. An analysis of all the other variables showed that they were not responsible for this sharp drop – some should even have caused a small increase. Although habitats like nutrient-rich grassland had substantially more insects than heathland or sandy grassland, the decline within each habitat type was very similar. Such a massive change in the abundance of a critical group of animals is likely to have wide-ranging ecological effects over time. Unfortunately at the moment, the cause remains unknown, although the intensification of agricultural practices seems a likely culprit. What has been shown, however, is that insect declines in the complex landscapes of Western Europe are not restricted to individual species or locations but are extensive and potentially devastating.
Further Reading Hallmann CA, Sorg M, Jongejans E, Siepel H, Hofland N, Schwan H, et al. (2017) More than 75 per cent decline over 27 years in total flying insect biomass in protected areas. PLoS ONE 12(10): e0185809. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0185809
Given the decline of coral reefs globally, new approaches to coral reef management and conservation are urgently needed. One way forward for the world’s largest reef, Australia’s Great Barrier Reef (GBR), is to draw on the support of distant stakeholders that are emotionally attached to the Reef, suggests a recent paper. The study – which involved interviews with more than 5,000 people from 40 countries, including domestic and international tourists, coastal residents, fishermen and tourism operators – found that people who live near or far from the Reef can develop equally strong feelings of emotional attachment to the GBR. Four types of communities who express ‘place attachment’ to the GBR were identified in the study; for example, an ‘Armchair Enthusiast’ community that was made up of individuals that had strong emotional bonds to the Reef, despite the fact that many live outside the Reef region and even outside Australia. These results suggest that new types of people-place relations are emerging that transcend geographic boundaries and do not require ongoing direct experience to form. This is contrary to traditional assumptions that people living in close proximity to a place will have a stronger relationship with that place and will be more likely to contribute to conserving it. These findings have important implications for GBR management given the Reef is increasingly affected by global-scale threats that can only be addressed by societal and political action beyond the local. Climate change, for example, is one of the biggest threats to the Reef and tackling it requires the support of the global community, not only those living close to the Reef. The authors suggest that managers could use social media and other modern communication channels to leverage people’s emotional GBR attachments to foster transnational Reef stewardship and build broad public support for addressing the global-scale threats to this iconic ecosystem.
Further Reading
Gurney, G., Blythe, J., Adams, H., Adger, W.N., Curnock, M., Faulkner, L., James, T., Marshall, N. 2017. Redefining community-based on place attachment in a connected world. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114 (38): 100-10082. DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1712125114.
Conclusion
